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Crawford, M., 2005, Transhumance in Italy: its history and historians, in W.V. Harris and E. Lo Casico (eds.), Noctes Campanae: Studi di storia antica ed archeologia dell’Italia preromana e romana in memoria di Martin W. Frederikson, Naples, p. 159-79.
Crawford, M., 2006, From Poseidonia to Paestum via the Lucanians, in G. Bradley and J. Wilson (eds.), Greek and Roman colonization: origins, ideologies, interactions, Swansea, p. 59-72.
Curti, E., Dench, E. and Patterson, J. R., 1996, The archaeology of central and southern Roman Italy: recent trends and approaches, JRS, 86, p. 170-89.
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D’Ercole, M.C., 2002, Importuosa Italiae litora: paysage et échanges dans l’Adriatique méridionale à l’époque archaïque, Naples.
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Dench, E., 1997, Sacred Springs to the Social War: myths of origins and questions of identity in the central Apennines, in T. Cornell and K. Lomas (eds.), Gender and ethnicity in ancient Italy, London, p. 43-51.
Dench, E., 2003, Beyond Greeks and Barbarians: Italy and Sicily in the Hellenistic Age, in E. Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World, Oxford, p. 294-310.
di Niro, A., 1977, Il Culto di Ercole tra i Sanniti Pentri e Frentani. Nuove testimonianze, Salerno.
di Vita, A., 1956, Sui pesi da telaio: una nota, ArchClass, 8, p. 40-44.
Dotta, P., 1989, I pesi da telaio, in M. Barra Bagnasco (ed.), Locri Epizefiri, 3. Cultura materiale e vita quotidiana, Florence, p. 185-201.
Ferrandini Troisi, F., 1986, “Pesi da telaio” Segni e interpretazioni, in Decima Miscellanea Greca e Romana, Rome, p. 91-114.
Gillis, C. and Nosch, M-L.B. (eds.), 2007, Ancient textiles: Production, craft and society, Oxford.
Gleba, M., 2007, Textile production in proto-historic Italy: From specialists to workshops, in Gillis, Nosch (eds.), 2007, p. 71-76.
Gleba, M., 2008, Textile production in pre-Roman Italy, Oxford.
Gleba, M., 2009a, Textile tools in ancient Italian votive contexts: evidence of dedication or production?, in M. Gleba and H. Becker (eds.), Votives, places and rituals in Etruscan religion. Studies in honor of Jean MacIntosh Turfa, Leiden, p. 69-84.
Gleba, M., 2009b, Textile tools and specialisation in Early Iron Age female burials, in E. Herring and K. Lomas (eds.), Gender identities in Italy in the first millennium BC, BAR-IS 1983, p. 69-78.
Glinister, F., 2000, Sacred rubbish, in E. Bispham and C. Smith (eds.), Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome and Italy. Evidence and experience, Edinburgh, p. 54-70.
Glinister, F., 2006, Reconsidering “religious Romanization”, in C. Schultz and P. B. Harvey (eds.), Religion in Republican Italy, Cambridge, p. 10-33.
Greco, G. and de La Genière, J., 1996, L’Heraion alla foce del Sele: continuità e trasformazioni dall’età greca all’età lucana, in M. Cipriani and F. Longo (eds.) Poseidonia e i Lucani, Naples, p. 223-32.
Guzzo, P.G., 1998, Doni preziosi agli dei, in I culti della Campania antica: atti del convegno internazionale di studi in ricordo di Nazarena Valenza Mele, Napoli, 15-17 maggio 1995, Rome, p. 27-36.
Haynes, S., 2000, Etruscan civilization: A cultural history, Los Angeles.
Higgins, R., 1986, Tanagra and the figurines, London.
Isayev, E., 2007, Inside Ancient Lucania: dialogues in history and archaeology, London.
Johannowsky, W., Pedley, J.G. and Torelli, M., 1983, Excavations at Paestum, 1982, AJA, 87, p. 293-303.
Kane, S., 2006, Terracotta dolphin plaques from Monte Pallano (Abruzzo), in I. Edlund-Berry, G. Greco and J. Kenfield (eds.), Deliciae Fictiles III. Architectural terracottas in ancient Italy: New discoveries and interpretations (Proceedings of a conference held at the American Academy in Rome, November 7-8, 2002), Oxford, p. 176-80.
Kleibrink, M., 2001, The search for Sybaris: an evaluation of historical and archaeological evidence, BABesch, 76, p. 33-70.
Kleibrink, M., Jacobsen, J.K and Handberg, S., 2004, Water for Athena: Votive gifts at Lagaria (Timpone della Motta, Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), World Archaeology, 36, 1, p. 43-67.
Larsson Lovén, L., 2007, Wool work as a gender symbol in ancient Rome. Roman textiles and ancient sources, in Gillis, Nosch (eds.), 2007, p. 229-37.
Liseno, M.G., 2004, Metaponto. Il deposito votivo Favale. Corpus delle stipe votive in Italia 17, Rome.
Lissi Caronna, E., Armignacco Alidori, V. and Panciera, S., 1990-1991, Oppido Lucano (Potenza). Rapporto preliminare sulla quarta campagna di scavo (1970). Materiale archeologico rinvenuto nel territorio del Comune, NSc, p. 185-488.
Lloyd, J., 1995a, Pentri, Frentani and the beginnings of urbanization (c. 500-80 BC), in G. Barker (ed.), A Mediterranean valley: Landscape archaeology and Annales history in the Biferno Valley, London, p. 181-212.
Lloyd, J., 1995b, Roman towns and territories (c. 80 BC-AD 600), in G. Barker (ed.), A Mediterranean Valley: Landscape archaeology and Annales history in the Biferno Valley, London, p. 213-53.
Mansfield, J.M., 1985, The Robe of Athena and the Panathenaic Peplos, PhD thesis, Berkeley.
Maaskant Kleibrink, M., 1993, Religious activities on the “Timpone della Motta”, Francavilla Marittima, and the identification of Lagaria, BABesch, 68, p. 1-47.
Maaskant Kleibrink, M, 2000, Early Cults in the Athenaion at Francavilla Marittima as evidence for a pre-colonial circulation of nostoi stories, in F. Krinzinger (ed.), Die Ägäis und das westliche Mittelmeer, Vienna, p. 165-84.
Mele, A. (ed.), 2008, Il Culto della dea Mefite e la Valle d’Ansanto. Richerce su un giacimento archeologico e culturale dei Samnites Hirpini, Avellino-Villamaina-Rocca San Felice 18-19-20 ottobre 2002, Avellino.
Mingazzini, P., 1974, Sull’uso e sullo scopo dei pesi da telaio, RendLinc 29, p. 201-20.
Nava, M. L. and Cracolici, V., 2006, Il santuario lucano di Rossano di Vaglio, in M. L. Nava and M. Osanna (eds.), Lo spazio del rito, santuari e culti in Italia meridionale tra indigeni e greci, Bari, p. 103-14.
Orlandini, P., 1953, Scopo e significato dei cosidetti pesi da telaio, RendLinc 8, p. 441-44.
Pesseti, S., 1994, Pesi da telaio, in Capua preromano. Terrecotte votive, catalogo de Museo Provinciale Carpiano, IV. Animali, frutti, giocatteli, pesi da telaio, Florence, p. 115-24.
Purcell, N., 2005, Colonization and Mediterranean History, in H. Hurst and S. Owen (eds.), Ancient Colonizations. Analogy, Similarity and Difference, London, p. 115-39.
Rainini, I., Bottini, A. and Colazzo, S., 1976, Valle D’Ansanto. Rocca S. Felice (Avellino): Il deposito votivo del santuario di Mefite, NSc, p. 359-524.
Rainini, I., 1985, Il Santuario di Mefite in Valle D’Ansanto, Rome.
Rainini, I., 2008, L’area sacra della Dea Mefite e l’insediamento vicano di Santa Felicita. Studi di topografia archeologica in Valle d’Ansanto, in Mele, 2008, p. 217-44.
Salmon, E.T, 1967, Samnium and the Samnites, Cambridge.
Sartoris, A., 1997, I pesi da telaio, in M. Barra Bagnasco (ed.), Pomarico Vecchio 1. Abitato, mura, necropoli, materiali, Galatina, p. 227-30.
Serritella, A., 1990, Pesi da telaio, in G. Greco and A. Pontrandolfo (eds.), Fratte: un insedimento Etrusco-Campano, Modena, p. 159-67.
Stek, T., 2009, Cult places and cultural change in Republican Italy. A contextual approach to religious aspects of rural society after the Roman conquest, Amsterdam.
Tagliamonte, G., 1990, Inscrizioni votive Italiche su armi, in Anathema: Regime delle offerte e vita dei santuari nel Mediterraneo antico. Scienze dell’Antichita 3-4 (1989-90), p. 519-34.
Wild, J.P., 1970, Textile manufacture in the northern Roman provinces, Cambridge.
Wonder, J.W., 2002, What happened to the Greeks in Lucanian-occupied Paestum? Multiculturalism in southern Italy, Phoenix, 56, p. 40-55.
Zancani Montuoro, P., 1966, L’edificio quadrato nello Heraion alla foce del Sele, AttiMGrecia 6-7, p. 23-195.
All dates hence are BCE unless otherwise noted.
It is often stated that sheep-farming was a major economy of the Apennine areas (especially Samnium and Apulia) in the pre-Roman period (e.g. Salmon, 1967; Lloyd, 1995a, p. 203-204; for debate see Crawford, 2005), and the practice of transhumance has been linked to religious phenomenon such as the popularity of Hercules figurines (fundamentally by di Niro, 1977) and the presence of rural sanctuaries. Nonetheless, few scholars to date have examined the material evidence of the wool working and cloth production that must have been one of the main trades in the region (except, importantly, D’Ercole, 2002). Recent research is making use of the archaeological evidence for textile production in exciting ways, notably the work by Margarita Gleba (for example, Gleba, 2009a, to which I am greatly indebted), and Lin Foxhall in her project on ‘Weaving relationships: loomweights and cross-cultural networks in the ancient Mediterranean’ (http://www.tracingnetworks.ac.uk/content/web/weaving_relationships.jsp), which includes a digital loom weight library.
For a clear and detailed discussion of the evidence for ancient weaving, see Gleba, 2008. The warp-weighted loom was used at least until the early Imperial period (Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943, p. 70-71 discuss Greek literary evidence for a shift away from this type of loom in the second century CE; for a similar shift in Italy, see Lloyd, 1995b, p. 244-45 citing Wild, 1970, p. 67).
For further description and illustration of the warp-weighted loom, see Barber, 1992, p. 109, fig. 68; Wild, 1970, p. 61-68; Gleba, 2008, p. 122, fig. 86.
For the discoidal form, see fig. 3; for the truncated pyramidal form, see fig. 4. Loom weights range in size, but are generally between 5 and 10 cm in height (or diameter for the discoidal form).
Sartoris, 1997, p. 227, n. 2 in a report on the Italic site of Pomarico Vecchio, observes that 87% of the 189 loom weights found there are pyramidal, and only 10% discoidal. Liseno, 2004, p. 67 observes that the pyramidal loom weights found at Favale outside Metaponto date earlier (6th to 5th centuries) than the discoidal ones (after the mid 4th century). In general, loom weights are difficult to date without a stratigraphic archaeological context as they remained in use for a long time with few stylistic changes. Dotta, in her study of the loom weights found at Locri, concludes that the truncated pyramidal loom weight with one suspension hole was the most common form in the 6th and 5th centuries across southern Italy, as well as at Locri itself (Dotta, 1989, p. 188-89).
Suggested by Dotta, 1989, p. 201, on the basis of loom weights found at Locri.
See Dotta, 1989, p. 185-86, n. 5 for a review of this debate.
Orlandini, 1953. On the term oscilla used to describe loom weights, see also Dotta, 1989, p. 187, n. 10. For a summary of other explanations put forth for the function of the loom weight see Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943, p. 65-66.
Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943; di Vita, 1956.
Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943, p. 67-69 cite the red-figured skyphos from Chiusi, dated to the mid-5th century, showing Penelope sitting at her loom (Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 1831; for an excellent drawing of the vase, see Barber, 1992, p. 104, fig. 63) and a vase from Baltimore (C.V.A. Robinson Collection I, III G, pl. XVIII, 2a) as well as the Amasis Painter lekythos I discuss. Di Vita notes there are ‘at least seven’ vases with representations of looms and loom weights, including the three just mentioned (di Vita, 1956, p. 41, n. 2). For a recent analysis of scenes of all aspects of wool working on painted pottery, see Bundrick, 2008, esp. p. 286-94.
This vase is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, no. 31.11.10; ABV, 154, no. 57.
Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943, p. 68, fig. 30; they note that the loom weight is decorated with a stamp of a woman spinning (ibid., p. 68, n. 57, citing G.M. Crowfoot in BSA, 37, 1936-1937, p. 43). See also, Di Vita, 1956, p. 42, n. 4 and pl. XV no. 2.
Davidson, Burr Thompson, 1943, p. 68.
Serritella, 1990, p. 162, fig. 275a; Gleba, 2008, p. 127, fig. 92.
See Gleba, 2009a, p. 71-72, table 1, for Italian votive deposits containing loom weights.
This is the main argument of Gleba, 2009a (see esp. p. 81). For loom weights as votives, see Liseno, 2004, p. 67.
Gleba, 2009a, p. 77.
For a general overview of this festival, termed the peplophoria, see Mansfield, 1985 and Barber, 1992. Barber, following Mansfield, suggests that men were also involved in the weaving process, creating a separate peplos for the larger Panathenaia held every fourth year. Connelly, 1996, discusses the possible depiction of scenes of the peplophoria on the Parthenon. See also Aleshire, Lambert, 2003, for epigraphic evidence for the weaving of the peplos, and a discussion of the names of the different groups involved and the tasks they performed. Much about the purpose and practice of the festival is still not clearly understood (Connelley, 1996, p. 77-78, n. 157).
Pausanias, Description of Greece, 3.16.2; 5.16.2; 6.24.10. Aleshire, Lambert, 2003, p. 71-72; Gleba, 2009a, p. 77-78.
Aleshire, Lambert, 2003, p. 71.
Gleba, 2009a, p. 78. In other cases, however, cloth woven at home is given as a gift to the gods. In the Iliad, Hecuba is instructed to pick one of her most richly woven and favourite garments to give to Athena, Iliad, 6, 87-92 and 269-96 (Aleshire, Lambert, 2003, p. 71). As Connelly rightly observes only a relatively small number of cases of ritual weaving at a sanctuary are actually attested, namely the four examples above (Connelly, 1996, p. 78, n. 161).
I use the name ‘Paestum’ rather than ‘Poseidonia’ because I am considering the settlement under Lucanian occupation as well as during the Greek period. This is also in keeping with my general practice of using the modern Italian name for ancient sites and settlements.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 223-24.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 224. For recent work on the (probably peaceful) Lucanian take-over of Paestum, see among others Wonder, 2002; Crawford, 2006; Isayev, 2007.
This building measures 12 x 12m.
Zancani Montuoro, 1966, p. 78.
Gleba, 2009a, p. 79, n. 30.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 225; Gleba, 2009a, p. 79-80.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 225: … dovremmo immaginare, nell’edificio quadrato, la presenze di tre or quattro telai funzionali ad una vera e propria attivita di tessitura funzionale ad un rito molto specifico e ben attestato in tutti i santuari di Era, e non solo, che e quello della peplophoria.’ (my translation above). Although it is uncertain, the authors suggest that each loom may have required 70-80 loom weights.
Votive dedications were commonly placed into storage or ritually re-buried at sanctuary sites, because space had run out in the areas of primary dedication. On this practice, see Glinister, 2000.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 225.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 225.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 225.
Maaskant Kleibrink, 1993, p. 11; Kleibrink, 2001, p. 50-53, figs. 8.2, 10.
The standing female dedicator type of votive offering is thoroughly discussed by Ammerman, 2002, esp. p. 71-73 and p. 134-36.
Maaskant Kleibrink, 1993, p. 17, fig. 15; Maaskant Kleibrink, 2000, p. 174-75, fig. 92; Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 45-48; Gleba, 2009a, p. 78-79.
Kleibrink, 2001, p. 49: ‘the calibrated radiocarbon date for the stratum with the loom weights is circa 850BC’. For a discussion of the finds from this necropolis, see Maaskant Kleibrink, 2000, p. 166-71.
Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 46, 48.
Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 48-52.
Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 52.
Maaskant Kleibrink, 2000, p. 177, 181; Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 52. The fundamental work on the concept of the frontier sanctuary is De Polignac, 1984; see also De Polignac, 1994.
Kleibrink, 2001, p. 51 describes this period as ‘truly colonial’. However, Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 55-64 present a more nuanced case that I think argues for continued native patronage of the site.
Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 55-61.
For discussion of the inscription, see Kleibrink et al., 2004, p. 61.
Kleibrink, 2001, p. 55.
Purcell, 2005, esp. p. 124-30. Interestingly, Purcell comments that ‘It is clear that it will never be possible sensibly to classify the sanctuary at Francavilla as Greek or indigenous’ (p. 126). In general, see Curti et al., 1996, p. 181-85; Dench, 1997; Dench, 2003.
Greco, de La Genière, 1996, p. 226.
Mingazzini, 1974, p. 204-206.
Johannowsky, et al., 1983, p. 301.
Perishable items are very rarely visible in the archaeological record, and are therefore under-represented. As Glinister, 2006, p. 28 contends: ‘Ancient eyes did not view terracotta as inherently poor-quality, cheap, or lower class.’
A classic study on the value of objects is Appadurai, 1986. Gleba, 2009a, p. 74: ‘The low intrinsic value of a loom weight ... is not a sufficient reason for it being unsuitable as a votive gift, since, as in the case of the textile implements found in funerary contexts, it is the symbolic significance of the object that made it an ex voto par excellence.’ See also, Dotta, 1989, p. 186.
Ferrandini Troisi, 1986, p. 97-98, cited also by Gleba, 2009a, p. 74, n. 14, n. 15. Palatine Anthology, VI, 39, 47, 48. 160, 174, 247, 284, 285, 288.
These excavations were published in Rainini, 1985. For recent work on the sanctuary, including a digital reconstruction of the site, see Mele, 2008.
Rainini, 2008, p. 230-36.
This is attested by a tile inscribed in Oscan with a dedication to Mephitis Aravina, now missing from the site (Rainini, 1985, 118). Also, by Virgil, Aeneid, 7.563-71 and Pliny, Natural History, II, 208. For a comprehensive list of ancient literary references to the sanctuary at Valle d’Ansanto, see Carfora, 2008.
This deposit was published by Rainini, et al.,1976.
Rainini, et al.,1976, p. 494, nos. 976-1109. A sole spindle whorl was also found in the deposit, further reinforcing the idea that the loom weight in particular was chosen as a dedication, while other tools were less common dedications (ibid., p. 494, no. 1110).
Rainini, et al.,1976, p. 494, nos. 976-83.
It may be that the habit of decorating the top of the loom weight derives from domestic usage, because the weaver would look down on the loom weights from above, whether hanging on the loom or stored on the ground.
For Pomarico Vecchio, see Barra Bagnasco, 1992-1993, p. 216, fig. 53, nos. 127, 128. For Favale, see Liseno, 2004, fig. XXXIc.
For Capua, see Pesetti, 1994, fig. xx, nos. 1, 4. For the Heraion, see Zancani Montuoro, 1966,
For these loom weights, see Dotta, 1989.
For drawings of imprints, see Dotta, 1989, pl. XL.
Dotta, 1989, fig. XXXIX, no. 277.
Orlandini, 1953, pl. I, no. 6.
Barra Bagnasco, 1992-1993, p. 214-16, figs. 52 and 53, no. 128.
For the foot decoration, see Liseno, 2004, fig. XXXId. For the anthropomorphised examples, see Orlandini, 1953, no. 7, and Barra Bagnasco, 1992-1993, p. 214-16, figs. 52 and 53, no. 137, where one can clearly see the holes on the side indicating use as a loom weight.
Dotta, 1989, p. 200, n. 111.
Ferrandini Troisi, 1986.
Gleba, 2008, p. 137, citing Mingazzini, 1974, p. 220. Although loom weights could be ‘home-made’, these objects may often have been made as a side-product in clay workshops, suggested by the presence of the same letters and marks on loom weights and on amphorae stands from Locri (Barra Bagnasco, 1989, p. 21, n. 98).
Ferrandini Troisi, 1986, p. 93.
Ferrandini Troisi, 1986, p. 94-95.
Gleba, 2009a, p. 73-74.
Ferrandini Troisi, 1986, p. 97; p. 104, no. 8, fig. 9; p. 106-107, no. 12, figs. 14, 15.
Di Vita, 1956, p. 43, pl. XV, no. 5; Barber, 1992, p. 106-107 and p. 151, no. 12.
Lloyd 1995a, p. 200, p. 204, fig. 78; Lloyd highlights connections between Larinum and Apulia. For the Apulian antefix, found at the Daunian settlement of Teate, see Antonacci Sanpaolo, 2001, p. 184, fig. 5.
Lloyd, 1995a, p. 204.
A loom weight in the J. Paul Getty Museum (inv. no. 82.AD.116.1), dating to the 4th-3rd centuries, is decorated with the impression of a Metapontine coin with a wheat-sheaf design.
Rainini, et al., 1976, p. 494, nos. 979, 981.
Rainini, et al., 1976, p. 494, no. 977.
Rainini, et al., 1976, p. 494, nos. 980 and 982, and 978.
For example, architectural terracottas with dolphins have been found at the sacred site of Monte Pallano in the Abruzzo; for these, and further discussion of dolphin iconography, see Kane, 2006.
Nava, Cracolici, 2006, p. 107, fig. 8.
The British Museum, inv. no. 1881.0514.8.
For the symbolic connection between fibulae and personal adornment and dress, and in turn, social status, see Cougle, 2009, esp. p. 56-57, 59-63.
Sartoris, 1997, p. 229.
Sartoris, 1997, pl. 93 presents a table of the decorative motifs on loom weights. Erotes also appear four times.
Lissi Caronna et al., 1990-1991, p. 280, fig. 105, nos. 1, 2, 3; p. 283, fig. 108, nos. 32, 33, 34, 35.
Sartoris, 1997, pl. 92, no. 18 and pl. 93, no. 13.
Cougle, 2009, p. 59.
The extensive funerary evidence for the offering of fibulae and tweezers, and for weaving implements, falls outside of the scope of this article, but would certainly provide valuable comparisons.
Barber, 2007. For representations of women engaged in wool working on Greek pottery, see Bundrick, 2008. For Etruscan evidence, see Haynes, 2000, p. 39-41, fig. 29b for a 7th century wooden throne from Verucchio showing scenes of women spinning and weaving; see also p. 359-60 for weaving as the ‘privilege of upper-class women in earlier periods of Etruscan civilization’. For the importance of wool working in Roman constructions of the ideal wife, see Larsson Lovén, 2007.
Gleba, 2007, p. 72.
Gleba, 2009a, p. 71, table 1.
For helmets from the Samnite sanctuary at Pietrabbondante, see Tagliamonte, 1990, p. 528; Stek, 2009, p. 39. For belts, helmets, spear-heads, horse-bits and a miniature cart from Rossano di Vaglio, see Adamesteanu, 1971, p. 44-45. For bronze warriors from Valle d’Ansanto, see Rainini et al., 1976, p. 367-373, nos. 1-7, figs. 2-4.
As these items could also do in a funerary context, see Gleba, 2009b.
On the kourotrophos type, see Ammerman, 2002, p. 128-30. There are four examples in the Valle d’Ansanto deposit: Rainini et al., 1976, p. 398-400, 455-56, nos. 43, 44, 178, 180.
On the ‘Tanagra’ type, see Higgins, 1986.
Rainini et al., 1976, p. 502. For the dedication of jewellery in sanctuaries, see Guzzo, 1998.
The use of gem impressions or coin stamps for decoration may also argue for the loom weight being valued by its owner.
Larsson Lovén, 2007; Barber, 2007. For the suggestion that the young women weaving the peplos for Athena in Athens were of high status, as if participating in an apprenticeship for elite girls to learn textile skills, see Aleshire, Lambert, 2003, p. 85.
Campanelli, Faustoferri, 1997, p. 109, 126, 129.Haut de page