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Part 4. Object biographies

Between religion and consumption: Culinary and drinking equipment in Venetic ritual practice (ca. 725 BCE-CE 25)

Entre religion et consommation : l’outillage culinaire et les vases à boire dans les pratiques rituelles de Vénétie (v. 725 av. J.-C. - 25 ap. J.-C.)
Elisa Perego
p. 235-262

Résumés

Par le biais de l’analyse d’ustensiles de cuisine gravés, trouvés sur les sites de sanctuaires, ce chapitre étudie les pratiques cultuelles à l’âge de fer et les débuts de l’époque romaine en Vénétie (Italie). M’appuyant sur des recherches anthropologiques qui ont depuis longtemps reconnu la consommation de nourriture et de boisson comme de puissantes métaphores et pratiques d’une vaste gamme de dynamiques socio-politiques et économiques, je veux démontrer que ces pratiques peuvent être un outil important pour faire la lumière sur des questions de genre, de groupe ethnique, d’interaction sociale et de négociation de pouvoir. Étant donné la capacité de l’outillage culinaire de symboliser les préoccupations d’une société tant à l’égard du surnaturel que des défis socio-politiques, je tente de démontrer que ces catégories d’artefacts comportent des significations multiples.

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Texte intégral

I want to thank the organisers of the Gods of Small Things conference for the opportunity to present my work in Reading. Funding to attend the conference was provided by the Thomas Wiedemann Fund. I also wish to thank all the people who read a draft of this article for their help and useful comments. In particular, I acknowledge A.C. Smith, M.E. Bergeron, V. Tamorri, and two anonymous referees.

1. Introduction

  • 1 This article takes into consideration the entire range of material culture related to the preparati (...)

1This article is an investigation of cultic practices in Iron Age and early Roman Veneto (ca. 725 BCE-CE 25) with a focus on inscribed votive objects related to drinking and food consumption, a class of artefacts whose huge informative potential Venetic scholars have not fully explored.1 By drawing on anthropological research which has long recognised the importance of eating and drinking as practices of a paramount importance in the negotiation of fundamental socio-political and economic dynamics, my aim is to show how the accurate analysis of material culture specifically related to ritual drinking and food consumption can be an important tool to shed light on issues of gender, ethnicity, social interaction, cultural change and power negotiation. Given the role of culinary and drinking equipment as a symbolic vehicle for the expression of social concerns regarding the relation with the supernatural as well as the negotiation of socio-political strategies via ritual food consumption, I argue that these categories of artefacts bear multifaceted meanings and such a deep social significance that sometimes even the most humble pottery fragment can open a real narrative window into the past.

2Following an introduction on Venetic socio-political structure, historical development and religion, the first section of this article discusses the uneven distribution of inscribed ex votos—including inscribed culinary and drinking equipment—across the region, arguing that differences in the use of writing at the sanctuary were probably related to aspects of socio-cultural variability in Venetic society at large. As a second matter, I discuss the important role of ritual drinking and food consumption in establishing a relation between the worshipper and the deity as well as between people. This is firstly demonstrated by the dedication, at several Venetic sanctuaries, of inscribed culinary and drinking implements displaying both the name of the human giver and that of the divine receiver. Some inscriptions also mention the name of the human beneficiary of the offering, who was either represented by a close relative of the giver or, probably, by a high profile personage granted a public homage. A third issue examined in this paper is the role of women in Venetic ritual practices. In particular, I note how the almost complete absence of female dedications on votive implements related to drinking and food consumption might suggest that women retained a different role vis-à-vis men with regard to this specific ritual practice. Furthermore, I analyse the rich evidence discovered at the important Venetic sanctuary of Lagole in Cadore to shed light on issues of ethnicity and cultural change. The material recovered from this cult site suggests that people of different ethnic origins may have attended the sanctuary. After the Roman conquest of Veneto, the presence at Lagole of possible Roman people and/or of Romanised individuals native of Veneto is demonstrated by numerous votive inscriptions from this site, including texts inscribed on drinking and culinary equipment.

2. The context

2. 1. Iron Age Veneto

  • 2 All dates in this paper are BCE unless otherwise stated.
  • 3 Capuis, 2009.
  • 4 Marinetti, 1992; 2001a; Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967; Prosdocimi, 1988.

3Modern Veneto is an Italian administrative region located between the Alps, the Adriatic Sea and the Po River. According to mainstream Italian scholarship, during the first millennium BCE2 this region was inhabited by a population of Indo-European origin, the Veneti mentioned in Graeco-Roman primary historical sources.3 An Indo-European language slightly similar to Latin—the so-called Venetic—is attested, with some local variations, on approximately 600 inscriptions found from the Cadore region in the Alps to southern Veneto. Most Venetic inscriptions date between 550—525 and have been recovered from sanctuaries and cemeteries as votive dedications and epitaphs, respectively. Votive culinary and drinking implements were sometimes inscribed. With very few exceptions, all the Venetic texts known so far are short and formulaic. Many inscriptions record personal names, theonyms and a limited range of verbs probably meaning ‘to give’ or ‘to offer’.4

  • 5 De Marinis, 1999; Marinetti, 2001a; 2001b; Prosdocimi, 1988; Pesavento Mattioli, 2001.
  • 6 Capuis, 2009.
  • 7 De Marinis, 1999, p. 556-59.

4Information on Venetic social structure and lifestyle has been provided by the long lasting excavation of settlements, cemeteries and sacred sites. The significant variability observed in settlement pattern, population density and material culture may have been motivated by landscape diversity, interregional contact, external cultural influences and independent development of central vis-à-vis peripheral areas. Furthermore, the presence in Veneto of groups of people probably belonging to supposed ‘ethnic minorities’ (such as the Celts) is indicated by both archaeological and epigraphic evidence.5 The main Iron Age Venetic settlements were Este and Padua in central Veneto, Altino on the Adriatic Sea, Oderzo and Concordia in eastern Veneto, and Treviso and Montebelluna in the Piave River Valley.6 In southwestern Veneto, Oppeano and Gazzo Veronese declined in the second Iron Age (500-200) after this area was presumably occupied by the Etruscans and then by the Celts (figure 1).7

  • 8 Capuis, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 1992.
  • 9 Ruta Serafini, 2002. The most ancient votives from S. Pietro Montagnon, on the border between Este (...)
  • 10 Malnati, 2002.
  • 11 Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 293-97.
  • 12 Perego, forthcoming.

5The transition between the late Bronze Age and the early Iron Age (c. 1050-900) in the Veneto region was characterised by important social realignments and a partial shift in the settlement pattern. Over the following two centuries, a progressive increase in social complexity and stratification can be noted in both funerary and settlement evidence. The transformation of Venetic settlements from loose aggregations of huts to more structured proto-urban centres can be traced back to the 8th or even the 9th century. At the main centres of Este and Padua, the appearance of graves of exceptional wealth in the local cemeteries seems to demonstrate the emergence of an elite able to acquire exotica and luxurious goods not available to less prominent and marginal social groups. An important network of long distant contacts with other Italian regions and Continental Europe was established by the Veneti over the entire Iron Age.8 The earliest evidence of formal cult activity in local sanctuaries dates between the 8th and the 7th century.9 The main Venetic settlements may have acquired an urban layout in the 6th century. Padua possibly developed as the most prominent centre in the region from the 5th century.10 Our knowledge of Venetic political organisation remains scanty. The epigraphic evidence, however, sheds some light on the possible existence of councils of magistrates or priests during the second Iron Age.11 The common finding of multidepositional tombs in the cemeteries, their usual location in proximity to each other in collective ‘tumuli’, and the epitaphs cast light on the importance of family ties and other relations of social proximity in Venetic society.12

2. 2. Romanisation

  • 13 Wolf, 1997, p. 340.
  • 14 Keay, Terrenato, 2001; Millet, 1990; Mattingly, 2004; Roth, 2007; Terrenato, 1998; Webster, 1997; 2 (...)
  • 15 Roth, 2003, p. 35.

6Studies on the Roman expansion in Italy and the provinces are numerous. From the 1970s, research on the topic has progressively moved away from traditional interpretations of ‘Romanisation’ as a process mainly driven by Roman warfare and imperialism, to focus on the more complex interplay between the introduction of Roman material culture, language, religion and political institutions in the conquered regions, and the creative response of native people to it.13 The concept of ‘Romanisation’ itself has come under attack because of its cultural and political load, its supposed implicit undervaluation of local identities, and its focus on upper social classes and Roman political authority. In a heated debate which is still ongoing, several authors have suggested new approaches and theoretical frameworks such as ‘acculturation’, ‘creolisation’, ‘post-colonial theory’ and ‘cultural bricolage’ to explain the socio-political and cultural phenomena which both accompanied and were the outcome of the establishment of the Roman Empire.14 In this article, the term ‘Romanisation’ is used to indicate the long term process which saw the progressive transformation of late Iron Age Venetic lifestyle and material culture in response to Roman influence, and, later, direct political domination. I still maintain the use of this problematic term because on the one hand the impact of Roman culture and political system on Veneto is huge and undeniable, on the other, ‘it appears to be the most neutral term which can be used’ to refer to the expansion of Rome across Europe and the Mediterranean ‘paradoxically—just because its original implications are now so widely rejected’.15

  • 16 Roman coins dating to the late 3rd century have been found at the sanctuary of Altino Fornace (Asol (...)
  • 17 Livy XLI, 27, 3-4.
  • 18 Gregnanin, 2002/2003, p. 16.
  • 19 Capuis, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 1992; Marinetti, 2008.

7The first contact between the Veneti and the Romans possibly dates to the 3rd century.16 According to Polybius (II, 23, 2) by the end of this century, the Veneti were steady allies of Rome in the war against the Gauls who settled in the Po Valley. Probably because of this alliance, Veneto was not involved in the first phase of colonisation carried out by Rome in Lombardy and Emilia Romagna between 218 and 183. In 181/180, however, a Roman colony was established at Aquileia at the head of the Adriatic Sea. Around 175, the Romans were summoned to Padua by a local faction to end internal disorders.17 Over the following years, Roman intervention in Venetic affairs became more aggressive. Consular roads such as the Via Annia and the Via Postumia were constructed to reinforce Roman military occupation of Northern Italy. Epigraphic evidence and historical primary sources referring to the 141-135 timespan seem to indicate that by then Veneto was de facto controlled by Rome.18 The ius Latii and full Roman citizenship were granted to Northern Italy, including Veneto, in 89 and 49, respectively.19

  • 20 Bondini, 2005; Marinetti, 2008; Pettenò, 2006, p. 72.
  • 21 It must be noted, however, that historical information on Veneto is meagre at best and Latin author (...)
  • 22 Capuis, 2009; Fogolari and Gambacurta, 2001; Ruta Serafini, 2002.
  • 23 Bondini, 2007/8; Gregnanin, 2002/3.

8There is general consensus among scholars that the process of Romanisation in Veneto was gradual and probably mainly peaceful.20 The Veneti are presented as allies of Rome by Graeco-Roman primary historical sources, and there is no clear archaeological evidence of extensive warfare and destruction in the region.21 The main local settlements generally remained prosperous even after Veneto was annexed to the Roman State. Many Venetic sanctuaries remained in use after the 1st century, when the local deities were gradually assimilated to Roman gods, and acts of devotion characteristic of the Roman cult, such as the dedication of coins, became prodominant features of the local ritual practice.22 Moreover, the Venetic language was only gradually supplanted by Latin and did not disappeare abruptly. A similarly gradual change is documented in the funerary sphere, with the slow introduction of new rituals, new types of burial and new grave goods extraneous to the previous Venetic tradition.23

2. 3. Iron Age Venetic cult

  • 24 The old view that Venetic sanctuaries were exclusively constituted by natural features of the lands (...)

9Several cult places have been identified in Veneto (figure 2). Venetic sanctuaries were generally lacking monumental stone features. They consisted of open ritual spaces and/or wooden buildings, often located near natural sources of water, where people went to worship and leave their offerings.24 The ex votos include ornaments, pottery, drinking vessels, culinary implements, tools, small bronze statuettes of warriors and worshippers (bronzetti), and bronze iconic plaques embossed and engraved with figures of women, men and animals (figures 3-4). The sacrifice of animals and the preparation/consumption of food were also common ritual activities at many sacred sites. Culinary and drinking equipment consisted of a wide array of artefacts, including bronze ladles to drink and pour liquids, instruments for meat butchering and roasting, ceramic food containers and elegant cups for wine consumption imported from Greece. Overall, the relative abundance of prestigious metal offerings in respect to more humble terracotta votives seems to indicate an involvement of wealthy and/or high ranking individuals in Venetic formal cult activities. It is still unclear who was in charge of the sanctuaries’ maintenance, however, or whether formal colleges of priests may have existed.

  • 25 The following catalogue of Venetic sacred sites includes the most important sanctuaries attested ac (...)
  • 26 Dammer, 1990; Dammer, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 2002.
  • 27 The writing tablets from Baratella were bronze laminae incised with the Este variant of the Venetic (...)
  • 28 Gambacurta, Zaghetto, 2002.
  • 29 Ruta Serafini, Sainati, 2002.
  • 30 Baggio Bernardoni, 2002.
  • 31 Locatelli, Marinetti, 2002.
  • 32 Gambacurta, 2002.

10Up to five suburban sanctuaries have been identified at the main settlement of Este.25 They were located around the Iron Age centre, roughly at the four cardinal points, as a possible liminal boundary which separated the urban space from the external territory. The most important cult place was located southeast of Este at Baratella, on the Adige River.26 The sanctuary was dedicated to a female deity called Reitia and/or Pora. The huge votive assemblage (over 14,000 finds) includes thousands of bronze iconic plaques, approximately 180 male and female bronzetti, and a large amount of pottery, animal bones, ornaments, tools and Roman coins. The sanctuary was possibly established at the end of the 7th century. A monumental portico was built in the 1st century. An important feature of the Baratella cult site was the dedication of hundreds of implements related to the practice of writing, namely styli and writing tablets. The former were either real tools used to write or models of real styli. The latter represented bronze models of real tablets employed to teach/learn how to read and write; these tablets must have been produced in some perishable material for everyday use.27 A second cult place was located at Caldevigo, on a minor hill north of Este.28 The surviving votive complex was found circa 80 years ago. It included pottery and a range of prestigious bronze offerings such as a female bronze figurine and several iconic plaques. The possible name of the Caldevigo god, Einaio(s), is attested on a stele found nearby. A third important cult site recently excavated was in use between the 6th century and the late Iron Age at Este Meggiaro.29 The local deity was a god called Heno[- - ]to(s). The offerings include ornaments, animals, pottery and several bronze plaques decorated with figures of warriors. Although the sanctuary was lacking any monumental features, a well, a street, some ritual pits, the remains of a wooden structure and a sacred precinct have been excavated. Another cult place was possibly established in the 6th century west of the settlement near Casale.30 The material found in this area includes a stylus, an iconic bronze plaque and a bronze cup engraved with a votive inscription. The latter, which I further discuss below, possibly records the name of the local deity, a god called Alkomno.31 Finally, a minor sacred site may have existed southwest of Este, at Morlungo, between the 3rd century and the 1st century CE. Apart from pottery, the small votive complex featured some bronze and terracotta models of male and female human genitalia. The cult was possibly related to human health and fertility.32

  • 33 Zaghetto, 2002.
  • 34 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 383-387.
  • 35 Boaro, 2001, p. 160; Dammer, 2002.
  • 36 Zaghetto, Zambotto, 2005.
  • 37 Bonomi, 2001; Bonomi, Malacrino, 2009.
  • 38 The bronzetti found at Lova-Colombare, a site close to the late Venetic-early Roman sanctuary, have (...)

11An important urban sanctuary was discovered at Vicenza in 1959.33 The surviving votives include a large range of bronze plaques decorated with figures of women and men. The presence of a writing tablet similar to those found at Baratella is also noteworthy. Another sacred place may have existed at the settlement’s border, where a monumental stone slab dedicated to the termonios deivos, the ‘gods of the boundary’ (Roman Terminus), has been found.34 The main votive site in the Padua territory was the extraurban sanctuary of S. Pietro Montagnon, located on the shore of a thermal lake on the border with the Este territory.35 The cult place was possibly established in the 8th century and dedicated to a male god called Ve[- - ]o(s). The huge votive complex comprised thousands of coarse drinking cups, and a large amount of bronze votives including iconic plaques and bronzetti now lost. A Roman cult dedicated to Aponus was established nearby between the 1st century BCE and the 1st century CE. Another sanctuary associated with Padua was located a few km northeast of the Iron Age settlement at Altichiero, where several dozens of votives have been recovered from the Brenta River bed in the last 20 years.36 The materials may have been originally located on the Brenta bank, not far from their place of discovery, and later displaced by the river. The votives date between the 6th century BCE and the 4th century CE. They include 12 bronzetti of infantrymen, approximately 100 ornaments, a few working tools, and 61 Roman coins. The lack of pottery and bronze plaques is notable, although this material may have been carried away by the river. Finally, a monumental extraurban sanctuary probably controlled by Padua has been recently excavated at Lova di Campagnalupia, not far from the Brenta mouth.37 The temple was erected in the 2nd century and abandoned around CE 50. It is still unclear whether the cult was already established before Romanisation, a hypothesis suggested by the discovery at this site of some bronzetti of warriors similar to those found at Padua and in the Padua countryside.38

  • 39 Tirelli, Cipriano, 2001; Cresci Marrone, Tirelli, 2009.
  • 40 Marinetti, 2002a; 2009.
  • 41 Maioli, Mastrocinque, 1992; Gambacurta, Gorini, 2005.
  • 42 Cleromancy is a form of divination by lots. Cleromancy techniques involve casting small items such (...)
  • 43 New regular excavations at Villa di Villa started in 2004, after a brief survey in 1997: Boaro, Leo (...)

12An important suburban sanctuary was created in the 6th century at Altino Fornace, on the S. Maria River, which connected the settlement to the sea.39 The sanctuary was dedicated to a male god called Alt(i)no, later identified with Jupiter. The rich votive complex includes ornaments, animal bones, pottery, a range of male bronzetti, and several bronze plaques decorated with figures of warriors and, more rarely, of women. It is also notable the presence of offerings which seem to have been imported from Greece, Etruria and Central Italy, including many Attic wine drinking cups, sometimes inscribed in Venetic.40 Two peak sanctuaries located a few km apart have been discovered in the Treviso province at Monte Altare and Villa di Villa.41 Votive offerings found at the two sites include pottery, ornaments, tools, coins, plain and iconic bronze plaques (the latter depicting animals and herds), yoke-shaped bronze plates, and several bronzetti, mainly of warriors. Evidence of female worship is scanty. A peculiarity of Monte Altare was the practice of cleromancy, testified by the discovery of 36 bronze sortes used for foretelling.42 Both the sanctuaries are better documented from the 2nd century, although there is increasing archaeological evidence dating to the Iron Age.43 Overall, the cult shows a concern for the well being of herds and crops, as farming and animal breeding were probably main activities in this hilly region located between the Alps and the plain.

  • 44 Fogolari, Gambacurta, 2001. The most ancient votives found at this site, however, possibly date to (...)
  • 45 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 464-468.
  • 46 Gangemi, 2002; 2003; 2009; Marinetti, 2008, p. 159-167. The name of the deity is in the plural form (...)
  • 47 Pesavento Mattioli, 2001, p. 44; Marinetti, 2008.

13Another main sacred site was established at least from the 4th century at Lagole di Calalzo in Cadore.44 The sanctuary was located near some ponds of healing water in a wooded area far from any settlement known to date. Occasional excavations at Lagole started in 1941. Unfortunately, no proper excavation campaign has been carried out to date. The local deity was called śainate Trumusiate (sometimes Tribusiate) and later identified with Apollo. The most characteristic votive offering was the simpulum, a bronze ladle probably used to drink and pour the curative water (figure 5). Other votive objects include male bronzetti, iconic and non-decorated bronze plaques, weapons, ornaments (especially Roman military brooches), coins and pottery. No clear evidence of female worship has been found. Lagole was possibly the main votive centre of Cadore as well as a meeting point for travellers and local people. Another cult place must have existed in Cadore at Valle. Unfortunately, the surviving votive complex includes only some simpula and a bucket-shaped liquid container (situla) with a votive inscription. The latter possibly mentions the name of the Valle deity, a goddess called Loudera Kane.45 Another sanctuary, recently discovered and partially excavated, is not far from Valle and Lagole, at the Monte Calvario of Auronzo di Cadore. The offerings unearthed so far mainly date to the early Roman period and include inscribed bronze plaques and simpula. The local god(s) was/were Masteirator.46 At Gurina, on the other side of the Alps, in the Gail Valley (Austria), was a sacred place that shared important similarities with Lagole and Auronzo in terms of ritual and material culture. The votive offerings found at Gurina include pottery, bronze plaques and Venetic inscriptions. The sanctuary was probably a point of arrival for those who crossed the Piave River valley and the Plocken Pass to reach continental Europe.47

3. Culinary and drinking implements in Venetic cult practice

3. 1. Geographical distribution of inscribed votive culinary and drinking objects

  • 48 Marinetti, 1992; Prosdocimi, 1988.
  • 49 The Baratella assemblage remains largely unpublished. Moreover, part of the sanctuary was destroyed (...)
  • 50 Anna Marinetti’s Lagole dataset includes 69 Venetic, 7 Latino-Venetic, and 19 Latin inscriptions (M (...)
  • 51 Only 20% of the Lagole inscriptions (approximately 20 out of 100) have been found on votives unrela (...)
  • 52 Coen, 2008; Iaia, 2006; Perego, 2010; Riva, 2010.
  • 53 For example, Dietler, 1990 and 2010; Riva, 2010.
  • 54 It is commonly held that the simpula from Lagole were used to pour and drink the curative water (e. (...)

14In relation to the rich evidence available on Iron Age and early Roman Venetic sancturies, a first important issue to consider is the uneven geographical distribution of both inscribed ex votos (of any kind) and inscribed votive objects related to eating and drinking. Both these categories of offerings were somewhat widespread at some Venetic sacred sites and very rare or absent at many others, testifying to the diverse value granted to writing and ritual food consumption across the region. A notable case is the sanctuary of Reitia at Este Baratella, which has yielded one of the largest bodies of votive inscriptions from the entire Veneto.48 The dedications known so far have been found on a bronze iconic plaque offered by a woman, on a dozen stone pedestals offered only by men, and on approximately 30 writing implements mainly dedicated by women. Hundreds of other writing tools, while not carrying a formal dedication, were inscribed with alphabetic signs and demonstrate the importance of writing in Reitia’s cult. Interestingly, although a huge array of pottery used for drinking and food consumption has been excavated at Baratella, to my knowledge no inscribed culinary or drinking object has been recovered from this site.49 The case of Lagole is significantly different. Although the large number of inscribed votives found at this site (almost 100) is comparable to that of Baratella, and an influence from Este to Lagole is evident in the latter’s writing practice, no writing implement—namely styli and writing tables— has been found in the Cadore sanctuary.50 Moreover, the numerous votive inscriptions found at Lagole were mainly engraved on culinary and drinking implements.51 In particular, many dedications were engraved on the handle or, more rarely, on the basin of the numerous simpula found at the sanctuary. Occasionally, a votive written dedication was inscribed on other kinds of culinary or drinking implements, such as a jug, a cauldron, a strainer or a situla. In Iron Age Veneto and other regions of ancient Italy, ladles, bronze situlae and strainers were employed at elite banquets and sympotic rituals for the preparation and consumption of special beverages, generally alcohol.52 The presence of inscribed sympotic implements at Lagole may indicate that formalised drinking rituals involving alcohol ingestion took place at the sanctuary and that writing was used to draw attention to such practices. This hypothesis is particularly compelling if the paramount socio-political importance of alcohol consumption in ancient societies is considered.53 At the moment, however, there is no clear evidence that alcohol was normally consumed at Lagole as a part of the cult, although this possibility cannot be ruled out entirely.54

  • 55 Marinetti, 2009.

15A range of inscriptions on both culinary and non-culinary objects has been recovered also from the sanctuaries of Auronzo and Altino Fornace, whose publication is still underway. The preliminary material published from Fornace indicates that—as at Lagole—almost all the votive dedications from this site were inscribed on objects related to drinking and food consumption.55 In contrast to the situation at Lagole, however, the inscriptions from Altino were mainly inscribed on pottery, especially on drinking cups and everyday vessels used for cooking and storing food (e.g. dolia and olle). More valuable inscribed votives such as an Attic skyphos and a bronze lebes are also attested. The adoption of writing in other Venetic ritual contexts such as Este Meggiaro and Villa di Villa seems to have been occasional at best. In particular, the case of Meggiaro is interesting: although the sanctuary was extensively excavated with modern techniques, only one inscribed ex voto has been found. The fact that other cult places such as Valle, Este Caldevigo and Este Casale had been partially destroyed before the beginning of regular excavations prevents us from a correct evaluation of these sites’ informative potential. It is noteworthy, however, that the very few votive inscriptions surviving from these sanctuaries have been mainly found on drinking implements, such as a situla and a ladle from Valle and a bronze drinking cup from Este Casale. Overall, the evidence discussed above raises important questions regarding the social status of the individuals attending the different Venetic sanctuaries, the use to which writing was put in different Venetic sub-regions, the possible role of a clergy in mediating the worshippers’ access to writing, and the diverse value accorded to drinking and food consumption both in the ritual practice and people’s everyday life across Iron Age and early Roman Veneto.

3. 2. Interaction, society and political negotiation

  • 56 Appadurai, 1981; Dietler, Hayden, 2001; Dietler, 1990; 2010; Goody, 1982; Iaia, 2006; Riva, 2010.
  • 57 The text translates as ‘Klutavikos gave as a gift to śainate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 366-367). śaina (...)

16Anthropology and archaeology have long recognised the fundamental role of drinking and food consumption in implementing and negotiating different kinds of human relations ranging from intimacy, hospitality and cooperation to exclusion, rivalry and violence.56 The large amounts of animal bones, vegetal remains, drinking vessels and culinary implements excavated at almost all Venetic sacred sites demonstrate that drinking and food consumption were fundamental components of Venetic cult, and important means to establish a relationship between the worshipper and the deity. The culinary or drinking implement itself—far from being merely used to drink or to prepare and eat food at the sanctuary—often became a token of the act of devotion as well as a valuable and appropriate offering for the god. This is clearly demonstrated by the dedication, at several Venetic sanctuaries, of inscribed implements related to eating and drinking, which display both the name of the human giver and that of the divine receiver. A typical example is Cadore inscription 18, found at Lagole on a small bronze jug. The inscription (Klutavikos doto donom śainatei) states that the worshipper, a man called Klutavikos, gave the jug as a gift to the local deity.57 Similar written dedications on pottery, culinary implements and drinking vessels have been found at Lagole, Altino Fornace, Auronzo, Gurina, Valle, Este Casale, and S. Pietro Montagnon, demonstrating that analogous beliefs in the ritual power of eating and drinking were shared by different Venetic people across the entire region.

  • 58 Oppos Deipijarikos Pelonikoi kv idor donom Trumusijatei, i.e. Oppos Deipijarikos [gave] as a gift (...)
  • 59 The most probable reading of the text is: Mego Lemetor fraterei donasto Boios Voltiomnoi, i.e. ‘Lem (...)
  • 60 Mego donasto śainatei Reitiai Porai Egetora (A)imoi ke louderobos, i.e. ‘Egetora donated me’ (i.e. (...)
  • 61 Venetic patronymics derived from a man’s given name. If Pelonikos’ were Oppos’ son, he should der (...)
  • 62 Cadore inscription 47 was possibly dedicated by a man called Futto[s to another person called [--]a (...)

17Apart from establishing a tie between the worshipper and the deity, ritual food consumption and the dedication of culinary and drinking implements were possibly a means to promote sociability, interaction and even political cooperation between human beings. This hypothesis is firstly suggested by the existence of inscribed ex votos on which the name of the worshipper giving the offering is accompanied by the name of a second person, who may have been the human beneficiary of the act of devotion. A good example is offered by Cadore inscription 64, a text engraved on a simpulum found at Lagole. The worshipper giving the offering, a man called Oppos Deipijarikos, is said to have dedicated the simpulum to the local god, Trumusiate, on the behalf, or for the well being, of a second man called Pelonikos.58 Unfortunately, the brevity of the inscription does not shed much light on the relationship between the two men. The reason that motivated the offering is also unknown. Some similar inscriptions, found at Este, on the writing implements from Baratella, indicate that the human beneficiary of the dedication was a close relative of the giver. This is probably the case of Este inscription 28, on a writing tablet dedicated by a man called Lemetor Boios, for his brother Voltiomnos.59 Another example is Este inscription 45, on a votive stylus offered by a woman called Egetora for her children and, possibly, for her husband.60 In the case of Cadore inscription 64, it is notable that Pelonikos does not have a given name in the inscription, but only a patronymic, an occurrence very rare in Venetic texts. If ‘Pelonikos’ is indeed a patronymic, the inscription’s beneficiary was not Oppos’ brother or son, although he may have been his father or a distant relative.61 Another possibility is that Pelonikos was a personal name with the apparent aspect of a patronymic. In this case Pelonikos may have been a close relative of Oppos, automatically deriving his patronymic from Oppos’ given name, or sharing Oppos’ second name. Apart from Cadore inscription 64 and incomplete Cadore inscription 47, the only other Lagole text that mentions the human beneficiary of the offering was a public dedication with a political overtone (see below Cadore inscription 24).62

  • 63 It is noteworthy that votive written dedications on the behalf of another human being were relative (...)
  • 64 Cadore inscriptions 13 (on a bronze plaque), 24 and 70 (on two simpula). With the exception of Cado (...)

18Overall, Venetic votive inscriptions that mention both the giver and the human beneficiary of the dedication are rare. Unless a dedication in favour of a person other than the worshipper was always implicit, the impression is that a votive offering was generally offered by the giver on the behalf or for the well being of the giver himself/herself.63 A peculiar occurrence is constituted by a small group of votive inscriptions from Lagole, which seem to have been dedicated by a collective political entity, the teuta (i.e. the ‘community’ or ‘citizenry’ in a political sense).64 Although the Iron Age socio-political structure of Cadore remains poorly understood, the public recognition of a political ‘institution’ at Lagole suggests the important role of the sanctuary in the region. In this scenario, ritual drinking and the offering of related material culture may have had a role in the socio-political dynamics through which Cadore’s prominent people reinforced their dominant role in the local community as well as their reciprocal bond, by presenting themselves as a unique entity in front of the deity.

  • 65 Marinetti, 2001b, p. 353-54.
  • 66 Marinetti, 1992, p. 160; 2001a, p. 65.
  • 67 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 383-87.
  • 68 Chieco Bianchi, 1987.

19Cadore inscription 24 is the most notable of these texts.65 It was engraved on the handle of the most valuable simpulum found at Lagole, an exceptionally long and heavy ladle imported from Etruria and reused several times before the latest dedication. The inscription (Turijonei Okijaoijoi Ebos ke Alero u teuta[-] anśores kvi) states that the simpulum was offered by two men, Ebos and Alero, for another man called Turijo Okijaijos. Ebos and Alero are qualified as anśores, an unknown term which possibly designated a public office. This hypothesis is compounded by the fact that the offering was promoted by the ‘community’ (u teuta[m]). Although the circumstances of the offering are unclear, it is probable that Turijo Okijaios was a prominent personage likely to have received a public homage. The peculiarity of the inscription is marked by the absence of the deity’s name, as all the emphasis was put on the human agents who promoted and received the dedication. It is also notable that Okijaios was probably a metronymic. Metronymics were extremely rare in Venetic and may have been adopted to designate individuals without a legal father.66 Some occurrences of a metronymic in Iron Age Veneto, however, seem to designate individuals enjoying exceptional wealth and/or high status. This is the case of Osts Katusiaios, probably a high-profile public figure, who dedicated the monumental votive slab to the ‘gods of the boundary’ at Vicenza.67 Another example is a woman called Nerka Trostiaia, who lived at Este at the beginning of the 3rd century and was buried in the wealthiest grave yet found in Veneto.68

  • 69 The religious and socio-political implications of communal drinking and feasting have been often un (...)
  • 70 Gambacurta, 2005.
  • 71 Inscribed drinking equipment include dozens of simpula from Lagole and Auronzo, two situlae from Va (...)
  • 72 Inscribed objects related to solid food consumption include a bronze knife from Altino Fornace (pos (...)

20The great amount of food remains and pottery fragments found at many sanctuaries might also indicate that collective banqueting ceremonies took place at several Venetic sacred places.69 A possible example is the public ritual performed for the erection of a boundary pole at Asolo (Treviso) in the 1st century, which entailed communal food consumption by several people. The banquet was followed by the deposition of pottery, food remains, coins and a few animal bones inscribed with short Venetic texts in a ritual pit.70 In the case of the main Iron Age Venetic cult sites, however, clear evidence of ritual feasting is difficult to uncover. Firstly, no votive Venetic inscription known to date casts light on this matter. Secondly, many Venetic sanctuaries such as Este Baratella and Casale had been partially destroyed before regular scientific excavations started. Moreover, ritual culinary implements, once used, were intentionally fragmented by the Veneti themselves, removed from their primary area of use/deposition, intermingled with bronze votives, and discarded at the periphery of the sanctuary. It is clear, therefore, that even a rough approximation of the number of individuals attending a sanctuary in a specific chronological phase is impossible. Finally, the iconic plaques published so far do not depict scenes of communal feasting, although they sometimes show other collective ceremonies such as parades. Both plaques and bronzetti occasionally portray a single individual performing a libation, or carrying a jug or a drinking cup. This evidence suggests that a strong ritual emphasis was put on drinking as a solitary act of dedication creating a direct relation between the deity and the single worshipper. The importance of drinking in Venetic ritual practice is also demonstrated by the numerous votive texts inscribed on implements used for the preparation, conservation, distribution and ingestion of liquids.71 On the contrary, Venetic votive inscriptions on equipment related to solid food consumption seem to have been rare.72

3. 3. Gender

  • 73 For example, Appadurai, 1981, p. 497-498; Riva, 2010.
  • 74 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65 and 71.
  • 75 ]iśsikonka doto donom śainatei Trumusijatei, i.e. ‘[--]onka gave as a gift to śainate Trumusiate’. (...)
  • 76 Lessa toler donom śainatei, i.e. ‘Lessa offered as a gift to śainate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 347).
  • 77 Apart from Lessa’s inscription, a second text on a simpulum may include a given name ending in -a ( (...)
  • 78 Capuis, 2005, p. 512.
  • 79 Capuis, 2009.
  • 80 Bianchin Citton, 2004.

21Anthropological and archaeological studies have long underlined the importance of eating and drinking in substantiating different kinds of relations between men and women as well as in structuring different social roles for the two sexes.73 The analysis of inscribed culinary and drinking objects from Veneto sheds some light on gender dynamics in the region, including men’s and women’s degree of involvement in ritual practices in different micro-regions of Veneto, and their access to writing (table 1). Lagole is a notable case in this regard. Based on the inscriptions known so far, the worshippers who dedicated inscribed votives at this site seem to have been all males, with two possible exceptions.74 The first is Cadore inscription 22, an incomplete text engraved on the handle of a simpulum, which possibly preserves a female name.75 Unfortunately the latter is not completely readable, and no safe conclusion can be reached on the identity of the worshipper. If the inscription were dedicated by a woman, however, her involvement in a predominantly male ritual would be notable. Another possible exception is Cadore inscription 68, also on the handle of a simpulum, which is dedicated by an individual called Lessa.76 In Venetic, given names ending in -a are usually feminine, although there are some exceptions.77 At Lagole, given names in -a, such as Eskaiva and Koijota, were clearly pertaining to men, as they were accompanied by a second name in the masculine form (Arspetijakos and Ametikos, respectively). In the case of Cadore inscription 68, the worshipper’s first name (Lessa) was not accompanied by a second name and it is therefore impossible to ascertain his/her gender. If we consider the indisputable male connotation of the sanctuary, it is statistically more probable that Lessa was a man. Overall, it is unclear whether the lack of women’s votives and dedications at Lagole was due to a specific ban towards female worship or if it resulted from the scarce presence of women on such a remote and relatively inaccessible site. Loredana Capuis has suggested that a preponderant male involvement in formal cult activities is characteristic of northeastern Veneto, from Padua to Cadore.78 In this area, men’s offerings and votive inscriptions are much more numerous than those of women. The situation seems to have been significantly different in central and southern Veneto, especially at Este, where votives and inscriptions related to the female sphere are roughly as common as those pertaining to men. It must be noted that the archaeological and epigraphic data from Este and southern Veneto suggest that women (or at least some of them) must have enjoyed a relatively high status in this area.79 Due to a lack of funerary and settlement evidence from northeast Veneto, it is still unclear whether the negligible engagement of women in cult activities mirrored a female lower status in society in this region. It must be noted, however, that a votive bronze plaque depicting a parade of female personages has been recently discovered at Treviso, in the Piave River Valley, hinting at the possible existence, at this site, of a sanctuary where women played an important role in ritual activities.80

  • 81 Turijo Tritijonijos Maisteratorbos, i.e. ‘Turijo Tritijonijos to Maisterator’- (Marinetti, 2008, p. (...)
  • 82 Padua inscription 15 (Hevissos’ Ve-----[-]oi fagsto), from S. Pietro Montagnon, was offered by a ma (...)
  • 83 Marinetti, 2009, p. 83-91. The only probable female inscription from this site is a name -Kata- eng (...)
  • 84 Alkomno metlon Śikos Enogenes Vilkenis horvionte donasan, i.e. ‘Sikos, Enogenes and Vilkenis offere (...)
  • 85 There is some evidence that early Venetic writing may have been the prerogative of the local elite (...)
  • 86 Perego, 2010; Perego, Iaia, 2010/2011, p. 44. For example, the tomb of Nerka Trostiaia at Este
    (c. (...)

22It is perhaps significant that almost all of the votive inscriptions on culinary and drinking implements found in Veneto up until now were offered by men. Apart from the Lagole inscriptions already mentioned, another simpulum with a male dedication has been recently excavated at Auronzo.81 The only inscribed vessel surviving from S. Pietro Montagnon and the bronze situla found at Valle were also offered by two men.82 Similarly, all the few readable inscriptions bearing personal names from Altino Fornace but one seem to have been dedicated by men.83 Another notable example of this pattern is the bronze drinking cup found in the Lozzo Canal near Este Casale. Based on the more likely translation of the text, the vessel was dedicated by three men, Sikos, Enogenes and Vilkenis, to a deity called Alkomno.84 The Lozzo inscription is remarkable for being the most ancient evidence of Venetic literacy known to date (c. 600-550). The cup, which bears the inscription, a kantharos, is an exotic drinking vessel shape, probably a copy of an Etruscan model dating to the late 7th century, or even a genuine import from Etruria. Kantharoi used for wine consumption were widely employed at Greek and Etruscan elite symposia, and exported. The Lozzo kantharos’ exoticism, its symbolic reference to elite practices of drinking, and the adoption of writing as a means of ritual and personal display at this early stage of Venetic literacy are important indicators of the male worshippers’ prominent social status.85 The absence of female names both in this inscription and on similar votive dedications on sympotic implements from Altino Fornace, Lagole and Valle, is noteworthy. An important issue at stake here is the possible active involvement of Venetic elite women in formal banquets and sympotic rituals. Female graves containing sympotic implements for the preparation and consumption of alcohol such as situlae, strainers and imported drinking cups are not rare in Iron Age Veneto, hinting at the possibility that women may have been active consumers of wine on formal occasions, more alike their Etruscan rather than their Greek counterparts.86 If Venetic women were indeed allowed to take part in ritual banquets, the absence of female dedications on sympotic implements such as the Lozzo drinking cup and the situla from Valle would be even more remarkable.

23Unfortunately, it remains unclear whether the absence of female written dedications on votive culinary and drinking implements was deliberate and entailed the exclusion of women from this form of devotion. Obviously, the corpus of Venetic votive inscriptions is limited in number, and the absence may be fortuitous. It must be noted that almost all women’s votive inscriptions known to date have been recovered from the Este Baratella sanctuary, which I mentioned above for its lack of inscribed culinary and sympotic objects. On the contrary, the vast majority of inscribed culinary artefacts have been found at Lagole, which is notable for the male connotation of its cult. Some further light on the matter will be possibly shed by the complete publication of the Altino Fornace sanctuary, which features both a probable female dedication and some evidence for women’s participation in local cult activities. At any rate, the involvement of women in ritual practices related to drinking and food consumption is demonstrated by some bronzetti and iconic plaques from central and southern Veneto which depict a female figure holding a vessel—generally a jug—in her hand.

3. 4. Ethnicity

  • 87 Jones, 1997.

24Another important issue that relates to the epigraphic and archaeological evidence discussed in this article is ethnicity. In particular, many inscribed votives from Lagole bear personal names suggesting that people of different ethnic origins attended this sanctuary. Obviously, it is very dangerous to draw conclusions on an individual’s ethnic identity based on his/her name only, even when this evidence is corroborated by related material culture. The notion of ‘ethnicity’ itself is a slippery concept, which has undergone serious scholarly criticisms in recent times.87 Another issue to take into consideration is the fact that many Venetic votive inscriptions were possibly elaborated and inscribed on the ex votos not by the worshippers themselves - who may have been even illiterate - but by an artisan/scribe and/or a clergyman. This may have somewhat altered a person’s chosen ethnic identity through the medium of writing. For example, a Venetic-speaking scribe may have adjusted the spelling of an unfamiliar name, or modified a foreign onomastic formula to make it similar to a Venetic one. Nonetheless, both the epigraphic and archaeological evidence from Lagole seem to indicate that the sanctuary was attended by people pertaining to three different ethnic groups, namely Veneti, Celts and Romans. This hypothesis is strengthened by the site’s location near the main routes which connected Veneto and Continental Europe, almost in a no man’s land not far from the Austria and Trentino borders.

  • 88 Personal names deriving from En(n)o- were common at Este and Padua, and are also attested at Isola (...)
  • 89 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65.
  • 90 The feminine form in -(i)ka- is rare or absent. A possible exception is Cadore inscription 22, ment (...)
  • 91 V.olsomnos. Enniceios v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Trum (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 317).
  • 92 The only other possible occurrence is on incomplete Cadore inscription 10 (the name is Volt]iomnos) (...)
  • 93 Votos Naisonkos tonasto Tribusiatin, i.e. ‘Votos Naisonkos offered to Tribusiate’ (Marinetti, 2001b (...)
  • 94 Cadore inscription 21 (Fouvos Eneijos doto donom Trumusijatei) translates to ‘Fouvos Eneijos gave a (...)

25The presence of native Venetic individuals at Lagole is suggested by the high occurrence of personal names and onomastic stems (e.g. Enov[--] or Eno, Enniceios, Fugenes, Feugo, Votos Naisonkos, Volsomnos and Klutavicos) which are well attested on many dozens of the Venetic inscriptions found in the main settlements of central and southern Veneto, and especially at Este and Padua.88 A closer look at the onomastic formulas pertaining to these individuals might cast further light on their possible provenance. In Iron Age Veneto, the standard onomastic formula was composed of a given name accompanied by a second name in the form of an adjective, usually a patronymic derived from a father’s given name. In southern and central Veneto, the patronymic was an adjective ending in -io- (masculine) and -ia- (feminine) (e.g. Uko Ennonios; Ebfa Baitonia).89 In Cadore, it was generally an adjective ending in -(i)ko- (masculine, e.g. Kellos Pittammnikos).90 Interestingly, both ‘southern’ and ‘northern’ onomastic formulas are attested at Lagole, although the former are very rare. A possible explanation is that people with a ‘northern’ second name in -(i)ko- were natives of Cadore, while individuals with a ‘southern’ patronymic in -io- were immigrants or travellers. A case in point might be Cadore inscription 58, possibly dating to 1st century and inscribed on a simpulum offered by a man called Volsomnos Enniceios.91 Beside the patronymic in -io-, both the names were extremely common in southern and central Veneto, while the given name is very rare in Cadore.92 A more curious case is Cadore inscription 9, on a simpulum given by an individual called Votos Naisonkos.93 Both the given and the second name have comparisons in central and southern Veneto, with no clear occurrence in the North. However, the patronymic in -(i)ko- is typical of Cadore. The opposite case is represented by Cadore inscriptions 21 and 24, on two simpula, where a ‘southern’ patronymic in -io- is accompanied by given names attested only in northern Veneto and Cadore (Fouvos and Turijo, respectively).94

  • 95 Fogolari, 2001; Marinetti, 2001a, p. 71. Here, I employ the term ‘Celts’ to define the non-Venetic (...)
  • 96 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 71; Pesavento Mattioli, 2001, p. 44.
  • 97 Marinetti, 2008, p. 157.
  • 98 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65

26The high incidence (c. 50%) of votive inscriptions with personal names deriving from Celtic and not attested elsewhere in Veneto (e.g. Broijokos, Aviro Broijokos, Rusunkos, Koijota, Alero and Arbos) may also indicate that Celtic people visited the sanctuary and possibly settled in the nearby area.95 This hypothesis is strongly corroborated by the Cadore material culture and toponymical evidence, which speaks of a Celtic presence well rooted in the area. The name of the region itself may have derived from a Celtic word meaning ‘stronghold’ (Cadore < Cadubrio, Catubria < *catubrigum, -a).96 However, it is noteworthy that the only language attested in the area, including Lagole and nearby sanctuaries, is Venetic.97 The linguistic data from the cult sites are particularly significant, as the Cadore sanctuaries may have acted as meeting and shelter points for those who travelled from Veneto to Continental Europe following the Piave River course as well as political ‘hubs’ for local people. This evidence seems to indicate a prominent role of the Veneti in the region vis-à-vis the Celts, and even the use of the language as an instrument of political control of the territory, needed to reaffirm Venetic authority in such a complex ethnic milieu. Nonetheless, the votive offerings and inscriptions given at Lagole by Celtic worshippers are identical to those dedicated by Venetic people. This may indicate that the Celts of Cadore were able to achieve a high level of social integration. Another issue is the adoption of the ‘northern’ Venetic onomastic formula by the supposed Celtic worshippers (e.g. Aviro Broijokos, with a ‘patronymic’ in -ko-). This phenomenon is still unexplained. A possibility is that Celtic people adopted - or were forced to adopt - the Venetic formula as a proof of cultural assimilation. It is also possible that Venetic-speaking ‘scribes’ slightly adjusted foreign names to suit their own linguistic expertise. However, another possibility which would deserve further attention is that the supposed ‘Venetic’ patronymic in -(i)ko- may have derived from a genuine Venetic name in -io- due to an influence from Celtic.98

3. 5. Romanisation

  • 99 Marinetti, 2001b.
  • 100 Gambacurta 2001a, p. 276; 2001b, p. 289; Gambacurta, Brustia, 2001a, p. 235; Fogolari, 2001, p. 374
  • 101 Marinetti, 2001b.

27Later Latin inscriptions from Lagole were dedicated by worshippers with Roman names and using Roman onomastic formulas, such as Ti(berius) Barbi(us) Tertius, L(ucius) Apinius L(uci) f(ilius), T(itus) Barbius, and Marcellinus.99 These votives may have been offered by Romanised Venetic people who chose, or were forced, to adopt a Roman name, by non-Venetic Latin-speaking worshippers settled in Cadore after the Romanisation of Veneto, and/or by travellers, possibly soldiers, who stopped at the sanctuary while crossing the Piave River Valley. The presence of Roman soldiers at Lagole is strongly suggested by the discovery, among the votives, of brooches and weapons commonly used by the milites enrolled in the Roman army.100 Many Latin or Latino-Venetic inscriptions, dedicated either to Trumusiate or to Apollo, were still engraved on simpula and demonstrate the persistence of the ancient Venetic cult between the end of the 1st century BCE and the 1st century CE.101 Drinking, and the dedication of related material culture, therefore, became an important medium for the negotiation of the social and personal identities of both the Cadore inhabitants - who may have fought for the survival of their old lifestyle - and the new Roman worshippers - who came to approach an alien reality via food consumption. Moreover, the preservation of the local ritual was probably a fundamental political tool for the Romans, when they decided not to destroy the old Venetic sanctuary, in order to promote the pacification of the region. It cannot be excluded that the Veneti themselves were able to negotiate the survival of their ancient cult place and maintained the old ritual as a form of cultural resistance.

  • 102 Futus Fovonicus Trumusiate donom, i.e. ‘Futus Fovonicus to Trumusiate as a gift’. Although the Lati (...)
  • 103 Marinetti, 2008, p. 160.
  • 104 This is because of the poorly preserved archaeological and stratigraphic context of the sanctuary.
  • 105 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967.

28The analysis of the Latino-Venetic inscriptions from Lagole is fundamental to shed light on the process of Romanisation in Cadore. These inscriptions were probably earlier than full Latin texts and were dedicated in a crucial moment of Venetic history, when the Romans started to extend their influence in Northern Veneto and local people had to cope with the novel socio-political setting introduced by the newcomers. The presence of Venetic and Cadore people at Lagole on the verge of Romanisation is still testified by a few votive inscriptions found at the sanctuary. For instance, Cadore inscription 58, which I mentioned above, was written in Latin, but dedicated by a man with a full Venetic name (Volsomnos Enniceios). Cadore inscription 62 was inscribed on a simpulum offered by a man called Futus Fovonicus.102 Fu(t)tos is the most common given name at Lagole, also found on Cadore inscriptions 15, 16, 47, 65 and possibly 28. Fo(u)vo- is also attested on Cadore inscriptions 21 and 66 from Lagole (Fovo Fouvonikos on inscription 66), while the female form, Fouva, has been recently found on a votive plaque from Auronzo.103 Both the onomastic stems are very rarely attested outside Cadore and never south of Montebelluna. Thus, it is reasonable to think that Futus on Cadore inscription 62 was a native of Northern Veneto. Although the use of Latin had been already introduced at Lagole at this stage, it is notable that all these men were still able - and/or interested - to maintain a Venetic name and display their Venetic identity. Unfortunately, the chronology of these texts remains uncertain.104 The use of a full Venetic onomastic formula by both Volsomnos and Futus may indicate their presence at Lagole before 49 , when Roman citizenship and the right to have a Latin name were granted to Venetic people. We cannot exclude, however, that the two men may have intentionally decided to mantain their former Venetic name, at least on some possibly informal occasions such as worshipping. The use of Venetic names in the funerary context is indeed attested down to the Augustan period.105

  • 106 C. Eniconeio Cattonico<u> Trumusiate v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 357-3 (...)
  • 107 Enno ---likos do Trumusijatei (Enno [---]likos gave to Trumusiate); Enov[-- (incomplete text); Vo (...)
  • 108 Eskaiva libertos Arspetijakos donasto śain[atei Tr—s]ijatei (Eskaiva Arspetijakoś, freedman, donat (...)
  • 109 Marinetti, 2001a.
  • 110 We do not know, to date, whether formal or state-sanctioned slavery ever existed in Iron Age Veneto (...)

29A more advanced phase of Romanisation - possibly dating after 49 - is represented by Cadore inscription 73, engraved on a simpulum offered by a man called C. Eniconeio Cattonico.106 Similarly to Cadore inscriptions 58 and 62, inscription 73 is written in Latin but is still dedicated to Trumusiate, testifying to the persistence of the ancient Venetic cult at early Roman Lagole. The worshipper adopted the Roman tria nomina onomastic formula, but was probably a native of Cadore. The nomen, Eniconeio, is possibly an old, Romanised ‘southern’ Venetic patronymic deriving from the widespread onomastic root E(n)no-, which is also attested in southern Veneto and on Cadore inscriptions 51, 58 and 69 found at Lagole.107 Cattonico seems to represent the Romanised form of a ‘northern’ Venetic second name in -(i)ko-. The onomastic stem Catto- is common in Celtic onomastic; as I noted above, Celtic people probably settled in Cadore before Romanisation. C. Eniconeio Cattonico, therefore, may have been a Romanised man from the Lagole area, with both Venetic and Celtic ancestry. He lived in a period of dramatic social change, which led him to adopt new forms of self representation and self identification (the Roman onomastic formula), while not completely rejecting his heritage. Perhaps he struggled to define his social identity, religious views and sense of belonging. Another interesting case of cultural hybridism is offered by Cadore inscription 11, on a bronze plaque dedicated to śainate Tr--usiate by a freedman (libertos) called Eskaiva Arspetijakos.108 Although the inscription is written in Venetic and was engraved on a typical Venetic votive object type, libertos is probably a loanword from Latin libertus.109 Marinetti rightly observes that the adoption of a foreign word to define a very specific social status may indicate that this status did not exist in Veneto before the arrival of the Romans, at least not in the same juridicial terms.110 Eskaiva’s situation may have been even more peculiar if he was a native of Cadore, and slavery and/or freedman status was a juridical condition introduced in northern Veneto immediately before or during his life. As something unusual in Eskaiva’s social setting, his novel condition must have prompted complex personal readjustments to cope with a new social environment. It is notable, however, that Cadore inscription 11 was engraved on a precious bronze plaque, which seems to speak of some wealth and social prestige. The emphasis put by the text on Eskaiva’s freedman status may also indicate that this condition was not necessarily degrading.

4. Conclusion

30Material culture specifically related to ritual drinking and food consumption was employed by the Veneti to frame narratives of identity, society and power. My analysis of the typology, provenance and chronology of votive culinary and banqueting implements has identified several different patterns of use involving diverse social actors, ranging from deities to worshippers, women to men, freedmen to elite members, and Venetic individuals to foreign people settled in Veneto or travelling through the region. The uneven distribution of the ex votos across the region sheds light on the complex range of ceremonial practices carried out in ancient Veneto and on the different values attributed to ritual eating and drinking in different Venetic sub-regions. Ritual acts related to drink and food consumption have also proven to be powerful means to support sociality and interaction in the supreme moment of religious dedication. Inscribed culinary and drinking votives indicate that a great emphasis was put by the giver on the creation of an intimate and direct relation with the deity. The archaeological evidence, however, suggests that practices of commensality and food consumption open to larger groups of worshippers may have taken place at Venetic sanctuaries. Moreover, the involvement of public figures in the ritual practice is demonstrated by the existence of ex votos offered by the ‘community’ (teuta).

31More uncertain remains the level of involvement of women in religious practices of food and drink consumption. The scarcity of female inscriptions on drinking and culinary ex votos might indicate the partial exclusion of women from this specific ritual, although it must be kept in mind that inscribed votives represent only a tiny percentage of the thousands of votive offerings found in Veneto to date. The material from the main sanctuary of Lagole has been fundamental to shed light on dynamics of power, inclusion and ethnic negotiation in the late Iron Age and early Roman period. The evidence available strongly indicates that repeated acts of worship involving eating and drinking must have been a powerful means to create a common ground between people pertaining to different ethnic groups, including Celtic people settled in Cadore. It is possible that even more sophisticated forms of power negotiation were played out at the sanctuary after the arrival of the Romans. It remains ambiguous, however, whether Lagole survived well into the Roman period because the Veneti struggled to maintain their old ritual practice as a form of cultural resistance or because the Romans chose to accept and revivify the old cult for their own political purposes.

32Finally, it must be noted that a focus on inscribed votives has proven useful to greatly increase the sophistication of my analysis. When we are lucky, a short inscription on a small votive object can open a real window into the past. The people whose micro-histories I sketched out in this article—Eskaiva the freedman, C. Eniconeio Cattonico, a man suspended between two different worlds, and the mysterious Turijo Okijaijos, who didn’t share a name with his father but was granted an exceptional homage from the whole ‘community’—briefly come to life to reveal the exceptional informative potential of often neglected small votive offerings.

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Annexe

Table 1. Number of female and male inscriptions from different Venetic sanctuaries.

Sanctuary

Min. no. inscriptions

Inscriptions offered by men

Inscriptions offered
by women

Este Baratella

200+
[including pseudo-texts]

14 ?

28

Este Meggiaro

1

1

-

Este Casale

1

1

-

Este Caldevigo

2

2

-

Este Morlungo

-

-

-

Vicenza

1

1

-

Vicenza (?)

1

1

-

S. Pietro M.

1+

1

-

Altichiero

-

-

-

Lova

1

1

-

Altino Fornace

35

4-7

1

Altino (?)

1

1

-

Villa di Villa

1

1

-

Monte Altare

some pseudo-texts

(sortes)

-

-

Valle di Cadore

1

1

-

Lagole

95

39

1?

Auronzo di Cadore

7

2

1

Gurina

4 ?

3 ?

1

Figure 1. Main Iron Age Venetic settlements: 1. Oderzo. 2. Concordia. 3. Altino. 4. Treviso. 5. Montebelluna. 6. Padua. 7. Vicenza. 8. Este. 9. Oppeano. 10. Gazzo Vr.

Figure 1. Main Iron Age Venetic settlements: 1. Oderzo. 2. Concordia. 3. Altino. 4. Treviso. 5. Montebelluna. 6. Padua. 7. Vicenza. 8. Este. 9. Oppeano. 10. Gazzo Vr.

Figure 2. Main sanctuary sites mentioned in this chapter with number of inscription culinary implement per site: 1. Gurina. 2. Auronzo. 3. Lagole. 4. Valle. 5. Monte Altare. 6. Villa di Villa. 7. Vicenza. 8. Treviso. 9. Altino. 10. Altichiero. 11. S. Pietro Montagnon. 12. Lova. 13. Este.

Figure 2. Main sanctuary sites mentioned in this chapter with number of inscription culinary implement per site: 1. Gurina. 2. Auronzo. 3. Lagole. 4. Valle. 5. Monte Altare. 6. Villa di Villa. 7. Vicenza. 8. Treviso. 9. Altino. 10. Altichiero. 11. S. Pietro Montagnon. 12. Lova. 13. Este.

Figure 3. Male bronzetto from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)

Figure 3. Male bronzetto from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)

Figure 4. Bronze plaque from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)

Figure 4. Bronze plaque from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)

Figure 5. Basin and handle of simpula from Lagole. (Drawing: author, after Fogolari, Gambacurta 2001.)

Figure 5. Basin and handle of simpula from Lagole. (Drawing: author, after Fogolari, Gambacurta 2001.)

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Notes

1 This article takes into consideration the entire range of material culture related to the preparation, storage and consumption of solid food and drink found in Iron Age and early Roman Venetic sanctuaries. This includes drinking cups, bowls, sympotic implements, food containers, jugs, roasting spits, and knives used for meat butchering.

2 All dates in this paper are BCE unless otherwise stated.

3 Capuis, 2009.

4 Marinetti, 1992; 2001a; Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967; Prosdocimi, 1988.

5 De Marinis, 1999; Marinetti, 2001a; 2001b; Prosdocimi, 1988; Pesavento Mattioli, 2001.

6 Capuis, 2009.

7 De Marinis, 1999, p. 556-59.

8 Capuis, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 1992.

9 Ruta Serafini, 2002. The most ancient votives from S. Pietro Montagnon, on the border between Este and Padua, may date back to 825-775 or 800-750 (Boaro, 2001, p. 160).

10 Malnati, 2002.

11 Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 293-97.

12 Perego, forthcoming.

13 Wolf, 1997, p. 340.

14 Keay, Terrenato, 2001; Millet, 1990; Mattingly, 2004; Roth, 2007; Terrenato, 1998; Webster, 1997; 2001; Woolf, 1997.

15 Roth, 2003, p. 35.

16 Roman coins dating to the late 3rd century have been found at the sanctuary of Altino Fornace (Asolati, 2009). Studies and edited books concerning the Romanisation of Veneto and north-eastern Italy include Bondini, 2005; 2008; Cuscito, 2009; Gregnanin, 2002/3; Marinetti, 2008; Tosi, 1992. An overview in Capuis, 2009; Rigoni, 2003.

17 Livy XLI, 27, 3-4.

18 Gregnanin, 2002/2003, p. 16.

19 Capuis, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 1992; Marinetti, 2008.

20 Bondini, 2005; Marinetti, 2008; Pettenò, 2006, p. 72.

21 It must be noted, however, that historical information on Veneto is meagre at best and Latin authors may have easily overlooked possible outbursts of violence against Venetic people for ideological reasons.

22 Capuis, 2009; Fogolari and Gambacurta, 2001; Ruta Serafini, 2002.

23 Bondini, 2007/8; Gregnanin, 2002/3.

24 The old view that Venetic sanctuaries were exclusively constituted by natural features of the landscape such as lakes and forest clearings has been recently challenged by the discovery of more complex wooden and sometimes stone structures at the main sacred sites (e.g. Leonardi, Lotto, Boario 2009; Dammer, 2009). To date, however, there is no evidence that monumental stone temples similar to those erected in Greece, Rome and Etruria were built by the Veneti during the Iron Age.

25 The following catalogue of Venetic sacred sites includes the most important sanctuaries attested across the region. It must be noted that sporadic evidence from many other Veneto locales indicates that several sanctuaries and/or minor votive deposits not included in the present list may have existed in the region during the Iron Age and early Roman period (e.g. Arnosti, 1992; Pettenò, 2006).

26 Dammer, 1990; Dammer, 2009; Capuis, Chieco Bianchi, 2002.

27 The writing tablets from Baratella were bronze laminae incised with the Este variant of the Venetic alphabet and a complex grid of syllables and letters that constituted an alphabetic exercise, or a mnemonic aid, to learn how to read and write (Marinetti, 1992, p. 164-65).

28 Gambacurta, Zaghetto, 2002.

29 Ruta Serafini, Sainati, 2002.

30 Baggio Bernardoni, 2002.

31 Locatelli, Marinetti, 2002.

32 Gambacurta, 2002.

33 Zaghetto, 2002.

34 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 383-387.

35 Boaro, 2001, p. 160; Dammer, 2002.

36 Zaghetto, Zambotto, 2005.

37 Bonomi, 2001; Bonomi, Malacrino, 2009.

38 The bronzetti found at Lova-Colombare, a site close to the late Venetic-early Roman sanctuary, have been dated to the 5th century (Boaro, 2001, p. 162).

39 Tirelli, Cipriano, 2001; Cresci Marrone, Tirelli, 2009.

40 Marinetti, 2002a; 2009.

41 Maioli, Mastrocinque, 1992; Gambacurta, Gorini, 2005.

42 Cleromancy is a form of divination by lots. Cleromancy techniques involve casting small items such as dice, pebbles and animal bones to read the future.

43 New regular excavations at Villa di Villa started in 2004, after a brief survey in 1997: Boaro, Leonardi, 2005; Leonardi, Boaro, Lotto, 2008; Leonardi, Lotto, Boaro, 2009.

44 Fogolari, Gambacurta, 2001. The most ancient votives found at this site, however, possibly date to 550-500 (e.g. Gambacurta, Brustia 2001b, p. 247).

45 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 464-468.

46 Gangemi, 2002; 2003; 2009; Marinetti, 2008, p. 159-167. The name of the deity is in the plural form.

47 Pesavento Mattioli, 2001, p. 44; Marinetti, 2008.

48 Marinetti, 1992; Prosdocimi, 1988.

49 The Baratella assemblage remains largely unpublished. Moreover, part of the sanctuary was destroyed or poorly investigated prior to the beginning of regular excavation campaigns.

50 Anna Marinetti’s Lagole dataset includes 69 Venetic, 7 Latino-Venetic, and 19 Latin inscriptions (Marinetti, 2001b).

51 Only 20% of the Lagole inscriptions (approximately 20 out of 100) have been found on votives unrelated to drinking and food consumption, mainly on bronzetti and bronze plaques (Fogolari, Gambacurta, 2001; Marinetti, 2001b).

52 Coen, 2008; Iaia, 2006; Perego, 2010; Riva, 2010.

53 For example, Dietler, 1990 and 2010; Riva, 2010.

54 It is commonly held that the simpula from Lagole were used to pour and drink the curative water (e.g. Fogolari, 2001). Some Roman pottery found at the sanctuary may have been related to wine consumption, but the evidence available is still scanty (Brustia, 2001).

55 Marinetti, 2009.

56 Appadurai, 1981; Dietler, Hayden, 2001; Dietler, 1990; 2010; Goody, 1982; Iaia, 2006; Riva, 2010.

57 The text translates as ‘Klutavikos gave as a gift to śainate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 366-367). śainate is a divine epithet which is associated to Trumusiate at Lagole, Reitia Pora at Este Baratella, and Alt(i)no at Altino Fornace. Its precise meaning is still unknown. Sometimes, as in the case of Cadore inscription 18, it was used autonomously, without being associated with a divine name.

58 Oppos Deipijarikos Pelonikoi kv idor donom Trumusijatei, i.e. Oppos Deipijarikos [gave] as a gift to Trumusiate for Pelonikos (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 348).

59 The most probable reading of the text is: Mego Lemetor fraterei donasto Boios Voltiomnoi, i.e. ‘Lemetor Boios donated me’ (i.e. the writing tablet) for (his) brother Voltiomnos. The inscription possibly dates to the 1st century and is badly preserved (Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 275-76).

60 Mego donasto śainatei Reitiai Porai Egetora (A)imoi ke louderobos, i.e. ‘Egetora donated me’ (i.e. the stylus) to śainate Reitia Pora for Aimo- and the children (Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 280).

61 Venetic patronymics derived from a man’s given name. If Pelonikos’ were Oppos’ son, he should derive his patronymic from his father’s given name. If he were Oppos’ brother, he should share Oppos’ patronymic. It must be noted that the a person’s second name sometimes was not used as a patronymic (e.g. Marinetti, 2008, p. 156-157).

62 Cadore inscription 47 was possibly dedicated by a man called Futto[s to another person called [--]atsei. The inscription is badly ruined, and does not provide any information concerning the two individuals’ relationship (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 362).

63 It is noteworthy that votive written dedications on the behalf of another human being were relatively common on the styli from Baratella (6 out of 23; the translation of a twenty-fourth inscription is uncertain) (Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 279-80). All the styli were offered by women, and generally on the behalf or for the well-being of another woman. Este inscription 45 was an exception, unless Aimo- was a female name in -o(n) (such as Moloto, and probably Allo and Vasseno on other inscriptions from Este: Prosdocimi, 1988, p. 257 and 280).

64 Cadore inscriptions 13 (on a bronze plaque), 24 and 70 (on two simpula). With the exception of Cadore inscription 24, which I discuss later, all these texts are very brief, i.e teut[a tol]er (the ‘community’ offered) and teu Trum (the ‘community’ to Trumusiate) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 340 and 359).

65 Marinetti, 2001b, p. 353-54.

66 Marinetti, 1992, p. 160; 2001a, p. 65.

67 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 383-87.

68 Chieco Bianchi, 1987.

69 The religious and socio-political implications of communal drinking and feasting have been often underlined: e.g. Durremberger, 2008; Iaia, 2006; Riva, 2010; Wright, 2004.

70 Gambacurta, 2005.

71 Inscribed drinking equipment include dozens of simpula from Lagole and Auronzo, two situlae from Valle and Lagole, numerous drinking cups from Altino Fornace and Este Casale, as well as a jug and a strainer from Lagole. The inscribed cauldron found at Lagole may have been used for meat boiling or as a liquid container (Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967; Marinetti, 2001b; 2002a; 2002b; 2009).

72 Inscribed objects related to solid food consumption include a bronze knife from Altino Fornace (possibly used for meat butchering) and some dolia and olle from the same site. Some incomplete inscriptions have been found on a few pottery fragments from Gurina, Lagole and S. Pietro Montagnon. The use of these vessels is uncertain (Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967; Marinetti, 2001b; 2009).

73 For example, Appadurai, 1981, p. 497-498; Riva, 2010.

74 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65 and 71.

75 ]iśsikonka doto donom śainatei Trumusijatei, i.e. ‘[--]onka gave as a gift to śainate Trumusiate’. [--]onka is probably a female patronymic in -ka- (vis-à-vis the male form in -(i)ko-) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 353).

76 Lessa toler donom śainatei, i.e. ‘Lessa offered as a gift to śainate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 347).

77 Apart from Lessa’s inscription, a second text on a simpulum may include a given name ending in -a (i.e. Cadore inscription 48: Kalodiba; Marinetti 2001b, p. 352). This inscription, however, is incomplete and alternative readings such as Kalo Diba[ i.e. Kalo (male given name) + Diba[ (patronymic) are also possible.

78 Capuis, 2005, p. 512.

79 Capuis, 2009.

80 Bianchin Citton, 2004.

81 Turijo Tritijonijos Maisteratorbos, i.e. ‘Turijo Tritijonijos to Maisterator’- (Marinetti, 2008, p. 160).

82 Padua inscription 15 (Hevissos’ Ve-----[-]oi fagsto), from S. Pietro Montagnon, was offered by a man called Hevissos to Ve[---]o(s). This is the only inscription which has survived from the S. Pietro sanctuary (Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 369-70). Cadore inscription 4 from Valle (eik Goltanos doto louderai Kanei) probably translates to Goltanos gave this (i.e. the bronze situla) to loudera Kane- (Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967, p. 464-468). Loudera Kane- may have been the Valle deity’s name. In Venetic, however, ‘loudera’ probably meant ‘daughter’. I do not exclude, therefore, that the inscription was offered by Goltanos on the behalf of his daughter (see above Este inscription 45 for a similar occurrence). In this case Kane- may have been the girl’s personal name (thus an inscription without an explicit divine recipient), or the Valle deity’s name.

83 Marinetti, 2009, p. 83-91. The only probable female inscription from this site is a name -Kata- engraved on a cup. It must be noted that ‘Kata’ may have been either a female name or a male name ending in -a. Moreover, this inscription does not feature either the name of the god to which the cup was given or a verb indicating the act of giving. Therefore, it may have been a property marker and not a real votive dedication.

84 Alkomno metlon Śikos Enogenes Vilkenis horvionte donasan, i.e. ‘Sikos, Enogenes and Vilkenis offered the metlon (cup?) to Alkomno horvionte’. Horvionte may have been a divine epithet referring to Alkomno. Its meaning, however, remains obscure (Locatelli, Marinetti, 2002).

85 There is some evidence that early Venetic writing may have been the prerogative of the local elite (Lomas, 2007; Whitehouse, Wilkins, 2006).

86 Perego, 2010; Perego, Iaia, 2010/2011, p. 44. For example, the tomb of Nerka Trostiaia at Este
(c. 275) contained an extremely rich array of items related to banqueting, including a bronze jug and a bronze situla inscribed with Nerka’s name (Chieco Bianchi, 1987). On the involvement of women in banqueting and sympotic practices in other regions of pre-Roman Italy: Coen, 2008; Riva, 2010; Scopacasa, 2010.

87 Jones, 1997.

88 Personal names deriving from En(n)o- were common at Este and Padua, and are also attested at Isola Vicentina (Vicenza) and Belluno (e.g. Ennonios, Enogenes Enonio, Enopetiarios). Personal names deriving from the onomastic root F(e)ug- were extremely common at Este (e.g. Fugia, Fugenia, Fuginia, Fugisonia, Fugsia, Fougota, Fougonta and Fougonte). Votos relates to names attested at Este (Votteios, Votika, Votina and Voteios), Padua (Voto) and Roncade, near Treviso (Votunkea). A man called Naiso- is mentioned on a funerary epitaph from Este. Voltiomnos (at Lagole Volsomnos) and related forms were very common at Este, and are also attested at Padua. Klutavicos has a comparison in Klutiaris at Padua (Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967; Prosdocimi, 1988; Marinetti, 1992).

89 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65.

90 The feminine form in -(i)ka- is rare or absent. A possible exception is Cadore inscription 22, mentioned above.

91 V.olsomnos. Enniceios v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Trum (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 317).

92 The only other possible occurrence is on incomplete Cadore inscription 10 (the name is Volt]iomnos) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 388).

93 Votos Naisonkos tonasto Tribusiatin, i.e. ‘Votos Naisonkos offered to Tribusiate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 354).

94 Cadore inscription 21 (Fouvos Eneijos doto donom Trumusijatei) translates to ‘Fouvos Eneijos gave as a gift to Trumusiate’ (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 350). As I discuss later, Fo(u)v- is a name attested several times at Lagole and once at Auronzo. A man called Turijo is mentioned on the Auronzo simpulum I discussed above. Interestingly enough, both Turijo Okijaijos at Lagole and Turijo Tritijonijos at Auronzo display a ‘southern’ second name in -io-.

95 Fogolari, 2001; Marinetti, 2001a, p. 71. Here, I employ the term ‘Celts’ to define the non-Venetic worshippers of Lagole on the basis of current accounts of ‘Celticisation’ in Veneto (e.g. Marinetti, 2001a; 2001b). This term, however, is problematic, since recent debate has focused on the ideological load of this definition and questions whether there were in any way a distinct group or groups of people which correlate with the Greek/Roman definition of these populations (e.g. Dietler, 1994; James, 1998). Further research is needed to clarify this point as well as the impact of ‘Celtic’ expansion and La Tène material culture on late Iron Age Veneto.

96 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 71; Pesavento Mattioli, 2001, p. 44.

97 Marinetti, 2008, p. 157.

98 Marinetti, 2001a, p. 65

99 Marinetti, 2001b.

100 Gambacurta 2001a, p. 276; 2001b, p. 289; Gambacurta, Brustia, 2001a, p. 235; Fogolari, 2001, p. 374.

101 Marinetti, 2001b.

102 Futus Fovonicus Trumusiate donom, i.e. ‘Futus Fovonicus to Trumusiate as a gift’. Although the Latin alphabet is used to write down the inscription, the syntax is still Venetic. Futus’ personal name shows a Latin declension (-us instead of Venetic -os) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 358).

103 Marinetti, 2008, p. 160.

104 This is because of the poorly preserved archaeological and stratigraphic context of the sanctuary.

105 Pellegrini, Prosdocimi, 1967.

106 C. Eniconeio Cattonico<u> Trumusiate v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 357-358).

107 Enno ---likos do Trumusijatei (Enno [---]likos gave to Trumusiate); Enov[-- (incomplete text); Volsomnos Enniceios v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Trum (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 338, 341 and 357).

108 Eskaiva libertos Arspetijakos donasto śain[atei Tr—s]ijatei (Eskaiva Arspetijakoś, freedman, donated to śainate Tr—siate or Eskaiva, freedman of Arspet-, donated to śainate Tr—siate) (Marinetti, 2001b, p. 341). Although the inscription is not on a culinary or drinking implement, I mention it here due to its relevance to the topic discussed in this article.

109 Marinetti, 2001a.

110 We do not know, to date, whether formal or state-sanctioned slavery ever existed in Iron Age Veneto; equally, we do not know whether a social institution comparable to the Roman ‘freedman’ status was elaborated by the Veneti. The existence of social complexity, hierarchy, and marginal social conditions in Iron Age Veneto, however, is demonstrated by archaeological, epigraphic, and osteological evidence (e.g. Capuis, 2009; Saracino, 2009).

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Main Iron Age Venetic settlements: 1. Oderzo. 2. Concordia. 3. Altino. 4. Treviso. 5. Montebelluna. 6. Padua. 7. Vicenza. 8. Este. 9. Oppeano. 10. Gazzo Vr.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 28k
Titre Figure 2. Main sanctuary sites mentioned in this chapter with number of inscription culinary implement per site: 1. Gurina. 2. Auronzo. 3. Lagole. 4. Valle. 5. Monte Altare. 6. Villa di Villa. 7. Vicenza. 8. Treviso. 9. Altino. 10. Altichiero. 11. S. Pietro Montagnon. 12. Lova. 13. Este.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 28k
Titre Figure 3. Male bronzetto from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 16k
Titre Figure 4. Bronze plaque from Northern Veneto. (Drawing: author, after Arnosti, 1992.)
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 20k
Titre Figure 5. Basin and handle of simpula from Lagole. (Drawing: author, after Fogolari, Gambacurta 2001.)
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 4,0k
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2178/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,9k
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Pour citer cet article

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Elisa Perego, « Between religion and consumption: Culinary and drinking equipment in Venetic ritual practice (ca. 725 BCE-CE 25) », Pallas, 86 | 2011, 235-262.

Référence électronique

Elisa Perego, « Between religion and consumption: Culinary and drinking equipment in Venetic ritual practice (ca. 725 BCE-CE 25) », Pallas [En ligne], 86 | 2011, mis en ligne le 30 octobre 2011, consulté le 29 mai 2017. URL : http://pallas.revues.org/2178 ; DOI : 10.4000/pallas.2178

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Auteur

Elisa Perego

PhD candidate
Institute of Archaeology
University College London
elisaperego78@yahoo.it

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Pallas – Revue d'études antiques est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International.

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