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Part 4. Object biographies

Travel tokens to the Korykian Cave near Delphi: Perspectives from material and human mobility

Offrandes de pèlerins à l’antre corycien près de Delphes: éclairage sur le matériel et la mobilité humaine
Katerina Volioti
p. 263-285

Résumés

Ce chapitre porte sur l’étude des lécythes à figures noires (circa. 500-450 av. J.-C.) provenant de l’antre corycien et des cimetières de Delphes. L’utilisation de ces petites jarres à huile en céramique à des fins votives et funéraires est en accord avec les fonctions multiples évoquées à leur égard dans le contexte de la maisonnée et celui d’autres sanctuaires et nécropoles. Je contextualise les lécythes dans le paysage physique et conceptuel de la grotte et de Delphes afin de montrer que le voyage des pélerins vers l’antre était une initiative personnelle, provoquant émotions et réflexions à propos des lécythes qu’ils emmenaient pour leurs consécrations. Par conséquent, la présence des lécythes à figures noires dans la grotte peut se comprendre non seulement en termes d’utilisation et de déposition, mais aussi comme un témoignage matériel du voyage.

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Texte intégral

I would like to thank the 10th Ephorate at Delphi and Elena Partida, and the 1st and 2nd Ephorates at Athens, the 13th Ephorate at Volos, the 17th Ephorate at Pella, and the Ephorate of Palaeoanthropology Speleology of Southern Greece, for permission to publish material from their collections. I am grateful to Carol Kesser Dias, Nikolaus Dietrich, Anne Jacquemin, Jean-Marc Luce, Elena Partida, Vasilis Poulios, and Eleni Trakossopoulou for useful discussion, and to Emma Aston, Marianne Bergeron, Georg Gerleigner, Robert Harding, Antonios Kotsonas, Victoria Sabetai, Michael Scott, Alexandra Zampiti, two anonymous referees, and above all Amy Smith for comments on earlier drafts. Special thanks are also due to Dr. Sabetai and Ms. Zampiti for allowing me to read their forthcoming publications. All remaining shortcomings are my own.

1. Introduction

  • 1 All dates are BCE unless otherwise noted.
  • 2 I exclude pattern lekythoi with geometric or floral motifs, and plain black lekythoi lacking figura (...)
  • 3 Algrain et al., 2008, p. 151; Hatzivassiliou, 2010, p. 97.
  • 4 Maffre, 1971, p. 663, no. 17; Jubier-Galinier, 2003, p. 84-85; Kathariou, 2006, p. 115.

1In the period from approximately 500-450 BCE1 an abundance of small lekythoi decorated in the black-figured technique, with visual scenes that include humans,2 were potted and painted hastily. Art historians have customarily described them as second-rate pieces. Exemplifying an early fifth-century manufacturing tradition for small shapes, each of these lekythoi could be carried with one hand and contained small liquid portions for one or a few individuals. Archaeologists have, in most cases, excavated black-figured lekythoi from cemeteries, but have also become increasingly aware of non-funerary uses for these vessels.3 The massive quantity of surviving lekythoi, and their abundant presence in graves, as well as their distribution across locations in Greece, the Black Sea, and the eastern and western Mediterranean, create the impression, and with good reason, that black-figured lekythoi were cheap, common, ubiquitous, and highly mobile small things.4

  • 5 BCH Suppl., 7; BCH Suppl., 9; Amandry, 1972; Amandry, 1991; Bommelaer, 1991, p. 243-45; Maass, 1993 (...)
  • 6 Amandry, 1984b, p. 397-98; Empereur, 1984, p. 340, and Marcadé, 1984, p. 337: neither stone inscrip (...)

2The occurrence of these lekythoi in the Korykian Cave, a large and famous sacred cave on Mount Parnassos at a distance of 5 km to the north of Apollo’s oracle at Delphi,5 strongly supports that these were appreciated as small things in antiquity. The contemporary assemblage of ex votos at this cave is dominated by small, personal, ordinary, and inexpensive items, such as terracotta figurines, mass-produced pottery (including a plethora of miniatures), bronze and iron rings, and knucklebones.6

  • 7 Appadurai, 1986; Kopytoff, 1986; Dietler, 2010.
  • 8 Meskell, 2004; Knappett, 2005; Miller, 2005; Boivin, 2008; Oslen, 2010.
  • 9 Warnier, 2001; Brück, 2005; Thomas, 2006; Tilley, 2008.

3The ordinary and mobile nature of small things and their transport to a mountainous destination necessitate a discussion of the interactions between people, hand-held objects, and the physical landscape. For this reason, I draw particularly from ethnographic and archaeological theories of social economics, materiality, and phenomenology, because these emphasise the mobility of both objects and the people who interact with them. The circulation of material goods across different places and/or owners resulted in the acquisition of different socio-economic values.7 It is during instances of interaction between users and objects that the material (non-representational) attributes of objects become most apparent: the appreciation of the shape, size, and function of a ceramic vessel is not definitive but dependent on social occasions of viewing, carrying, using, and discarding it.8 The movements of the human body play an integral role in how portable artefacts and fixed landscape features are perceived and experienced.9 Such theories, however, still do not address sufficiently how people travelling across the landscape related to the objects they carried with them, something which I discuss in this chapter.

  • 10 Amandry, 1981c, p. 77-78, 82, 87, 93, 106, fig. 3.
  • 11 Mylonopoulos, 2008, p. 56-57; Amandry, 1972, p. 257 (no structures). On the Cave’s being unsuited f (...)
  • 12 Amandry, 1981c, p. 90-93; 1984b, p. 413, 415, 418-21: crevices for dedications are found only outsi (...)
  • 13 Ustinova, 2009, p. 13-52.

4The excavation and publication of the Korykian Cave have been extensive and comprehensive, allowing for detailed discussions of certain dedications, as noted above.10 This cave, unlike others, had no underworld connotations, as supported by the absence of any structures and human remains from its interior, and the unsuitability of its large chamber for permanent habitation owing to poor ventilation and lighting.11 Instead, the focus of cultic activity was the altar at the entrance of the Cave,12 and thus any arguments about visitors’ extreme psychological reactions to the closed, dark, and chthonic environments of sacred caves would not apply here. 13

  • 14 Roux, 1976, p. 184-86; Amandry, 1981b, p. 29-35; Pasquier, 1977, p. 386: a mid-fifth-century clay g (...)
  • 15 Roux, 1976, p. 175-84; Dillon, 1997, p. 193; LIMC 8.1 (1997) s.v. Thyiades [D. Skorda]; Villanueva- (...)
  • 16 Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 175; Amandry, 1984a, p. 377; Amandry, 1984b, p. 403; McInerney, 1997, p. 278.
  • 17 Larson, 2001, p. 227.
  • 18 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 154.
  • 19 Amandry, 1984b, p. 401.

5In the early fifth century the Cave was sacred to the Nymphs and Pan but its Parnassian and Delphic landscape also linked it closely with myths and cults pertaining to additional divinities, including Apollo and Dionysos.14 The myth of the Thyiadai, whereby Athenian women travelled to the peaks of Parnassos performing Dionysiac rituals along the way, highlights the far-reaching regional connections and that activity in this cave was not necessarily on a local scale.15 Worshippers at the caves dedicated to the Nymphs and Pan were not exclusively women and children, but also shepherds and hunters, who most likely frequented the uplands near the Korykian Cave.16 Visits to this cave were clearly not restricted to rustic populations17: the pottery record confirms that periods of high activity at the Cave, from approximately 550 to 350,18 coincided with a period when Delphi was at its busiest. As posited by Pierre Amandry, the Cave was an annex to Delphi.19

  • 20 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 160-62, 168; Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299-303. Steiner, 1992, p. 404, shows unawa (...)
  • 21 Partida, 2000, p. 279, 291.
  • 22 Amandry, 1984b, p. 424.
  • 23 Dillon, 1997, p. xv-xviii; Elsner, Rutherford, 2005, p. 18-19, 21: oreibasia, and ‘sacred tourism’ (...)
  • 24 Scott, 2010.

6The cave’s connection to Delphi is important for the study of its black-figured lekythoi because such vessels have also been excavated from the cemeteries of Delphi, even though their presence there has remained largely unnoticed.20 As grave goods, lekythoi offer insight into patterns of using imported pottery at the town that surrounded the sanctuary. The expensive dedications in early fifth-century Delphi, which included entire buildings,21 appear in sharp contrast with the humble and personal offerings brought by pilgrims to the Korykian Cave.22 It would be erroneous to understand visitation to the Cave in terms of pilgrimage in the modern sense, because the Greek language lacked a word for ‘pilgrimage’. In the fifth century, moreover, pilgrimage trips were integrated with secular activities, including the desire to see the monuments of a famous sanctuary.23 Understandably then, the spectacular monuments at Delphi and their architectural arrangement have been analysed in terms of pilgrims’ physical interaction with them.24

7My objective in this chapter is to demonstrate the versatile function of black-figured lekythoi as offerings to the gods or the dead. I examine how the material attributes of lekythoi become suggestive of their particular uses, and I also consider how their transportation across the landscape related to human mobility. First I discuss how people in antiquity used these lekythoi. This can be understood from the material qualities of these vessels (shape, size, iconography, and function), from their archaeological find contexts and from their geographical distribution. I then contextualise the black-figured lekythoi from the Cave, in relation to other early fifth-century dedications there, and I compare the material attributes of lekythoi from the Cave with those found in Delphi. Finally I envisage the journey to the Cave and suggest how black-figured lekythoi acquired personal value as tokens of travel activity.

2. Uses of black-figured lekythoi

  • 25 Frère, 2008, p. 210.

8A black-figured lekythos is a closed shape with a cylindrical body resting on a foot, as well as a flat shoulder and a long narrow neck, suited for storing and transporting liquids (figures 1 and 2). This shape is not known in materials other than clay. Scholars have yet to ascertain the contents of these vessels by means of chemical analysis. The early fifth-century proliferation of black-figured lekythoi across the Mediterranean basin coincided with the eclipse of Korinthian aryballoi and all other unguent vases,25 indicating that the lekythoi must have assumed a share of the international perfume market.

  • 26 Volioti, 2007.
  • 27 ABL p. 130-41, 170-91.

9Given the legacy of connoisseurship, scholars have focused primarily on the iconography and drawing style, which in the case of these black-figured lekythoi is, with few exceptions, unrefined. Painters have applied hastily the black glaze and rendered details in the pictorial field with few incisions (figures 1, 2, and 4). The dominant iconography of these vases is mythological and the repetitive images are sometimes visually ambiguous.26 Many painters were engaged in the production of black-figured lekythoi but, in the absence of signatures, scholars have invented conventional names, such as the Haimon and Beldam Painters, for masters and their workshop associates.27 Attributions often lack certainty because of the stylistic and thematic overlaps between workshops, some of which may have had multiple production outlets. While scholars have arranged the lekythos painters chronologically, most lekythoi cannot be dated precisely and workshops such as that of the Haimon Painter span the first and second quarters of the fifth century, i.e., longer than the average career of an Athenian vase painter.

  • 28 Based on measurements of 150 lekythoi by the Haimon Painter and Group in CVAs available through the (...)
  • 29 Schmidt, 2005, p. 33-34.

10The majority of black-figured lekythoi are small, measuring less than 20 cm in height and less than 7 cm across the shoulder.28 An analogy in terms of size can be drawn with modern half-litre plastic water bottles (figure 1). These lekythoi contrasted with large contemporary open shapes destined for communal use, such as kraters, amphoracis and hydriai, and with white lekythoi. The later served an exclusively funerary purpose, as determined by archaeological evidence, and increased in size and elaboration during the course of the fifth century.29

  • 30 The following small lekythoi, which I have examined in Athens, as well as central and northern Gree (...)

11Even the very small black-figured lekythoi were functional and not mere skeuomorphs of larger vessels.30 The avoidance of miniatures in this shape could, in my view, relate to technical reasons. Lekythoi were assembled from parts that were made separately: the potter threw the neck and mouth in one piece, shaped the circular base (sometimes by using a mould) and, from another piece of clay, the strap handle, and attached these to the cylindrical body and shoulder of the lekythos. In miniature this process would have been risky and time consuming, thereby defying the principle of hasty manufacture apparent in the drawing style.

  • 31 St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum, 4224; Para p. 516.166; Sutton, 1992, p. 18, fig. 1.5b.
  • 32 Louvre, CA 3758; National Museum, Athens, 1826; Schmidt, 2005, p. 46, 50, figs. 10, 15.

12In early fifth-century vase scenes, people are depicted holding lekythoi upright by wrapping their hand around the base.31 It is reasonable to assume, however, that the small and slender black-figured lekythoi were clasped, perhaps instinctively, by their cylindrical bodies, which could fit ergonomically into the human hand in the same way as a glass of water. This shaping to the hand’s dimensions meant ease of carrying and a close relationship with the human body. Vase iconography shows lekythoi as offerings at the steps of tombs (where they are sometimes upturned as if their contents had been emptied) or hanging on the wall of women’s quarters.32

  • 33 Volioti, 2011, p. 142.
  • 34 Schmidt, 2005, p. 38.
  • 35 Volioti, 2011. Sabetai, forthcoming.

13Black-figured lekythoi have been excavated primarily from burials but also from sanctuaries and, where the archaeology exists, from domestic deposits. As grave goods, they were placed around and on top of the dead body, sometimes broken deliberately and thrown in with the soil covering the grave or left outside as tokens of relatives’ visits. People deposited these lekythoi in all grave types, ranging from simple pits to elaborate chamber tombs, and irrespective of the age, gender or social standing of the deceased.33 These lekythoi have been found in many graves from the same cemetery and usually in considerable quantities within a single burial, giving the impression that they mattered only in groups.34 Yet, post-firing graffiti and the possibility of heirlooms in burial assemblages with later pottery suggest that people in antiquity purposely selected individual lekythoi.35

  • 36 Lynch, 2009, p. 73-74.
  • 37 Felten et al., 2003, p. 46, fig. 7.4 (I am grateful to Prof. Felten for information about this piec (...)
  • 38 Tiverios, 2009a, p. 390, fig. 7.
  • 39 Haggis, et al., 2007, p. 249-51.
  • 40 Burow, 2000, p. 207-10, 236-83: the majority of the 316 black-figured lekythoi were found throughou (...)
  • 41 Braun, 1987, p. 55, 64, fig. 67o.
  • 42 Wolters, 1925, p. xiv, xxiii; Graef, Langlotz, 1925, p. 230-31. Unpublished photograph: D-DAI-ATH-A (...)
  • 43 Moore, 1986, p. 53, 81-84, 88-90.
  • 44 Unpublished photograph: TRIPH. 179, German Archaeological Institute, Athens.
  • 45 Zampiti, Vasilopoulou, 2008, p. 449-52, figs. 18, 23-25; Kyparisi-Apostolika, 2008, p. 35, fig. 36.
  • 46 Ephorate of Palaeoanthropology-Speleology of Southern Greece, Athens, K1104, K5361; K2634; K386, K2 (...)

14Wells in the Athenian Agora contained black-figured lekythoi as domestic rubbish.36 Other findspots from settlements in Greece include Kolonna on Aegina,37 Karabournaki in Makedonia,38 and Azoria on Krete39. The scarcity of domestic contexts relates to the dearth of surviving early fifth-century household layers and not the avoidance of using these lekythoi in daily life. Indeed they have been found amongst cleared objects from pan-Hellenic and from rural sanctuaries, including Olympia,40 Kalapodi in northern Phokis,41 the Parthenon in Athens,42 Aphaia on Aegina,43 and the Temple of Artemis at Kombothekra in Elis.44 Additional cave findspots include the Cave of the Leibethrian Nymphs on Mount Helikon in Boiotia45 and the Schisto Cave at Keratsini in Attika.46

  • 47 Poulios, 1995a; 1995b.
  • 48 As in Thessaly, see Volioti, 2009.
  • 49 Scheffer, 1988, p. 544.

15The scarcity of these lekythoi in some areas of the Greek world, such as Serres in inland Makedonia/Thraki, pertains to a regional paucity of Attic pottery from that time,47 but insufficient publication may distort present understandings.48 Whereas the Mediterranean distribution has not been systematically studied and the possibility of local imitations given short shrift, scholars have stressed, especially with reference to Italy, the salience of shape over iconography as a driving factor for widespread demand 49.Scholars have not emphasised, however, the advantages of transporting small cylindrical shapes, which were not prone to breakage and could be stacked next to each other for sea and overland cargoes.

16The material attributes, contexts of use, and wide distribution of black-figured lekythoi suggest that these vessels related to the lives of many people, who may have additionally appreciated them as widely travelled objects. The popularity of these vases, nonetheless, has not been studied in terms of human mobility at the level of the individual user. My case study of the Korykian Cave aims to fulfil this need.

3. Black-figured lekythoi from the Korykian Cave and Delphi

  • 50 Amandry, 1984b, p. 422-43.
  • 51 Amandry, 1972, p. 256; Amandry, 1981c, p. 87, 90.
  • 52 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 27 and footnote 1, p. 101-21 nos. 400-549.

17The excavated deposits were mixed in terms of chronology, and pottery was extremely fragmentary and dispersed throughout the Cave. According to Amandry, objects were originally offered at the altar but cleared inside the Cave in subsequent centuries.50 Black-figured lekythoi were found near the altar, in the main chamber, and in the second chamber at the rear of the Cave, testifying to post-depositional taphonomy.51 Anne Jacquemin published 150 black-figured lekythoi in a catalogue, exemplary for its detail and in depth analysis, which is representative in terms of typologies and quantities of different pottery from the Cave.52

  • 53 Amandry, 1984b, p. 409-11.
  • 54 Otherwise the total of fifth-century Attic vases, for instance, would be greater than 1394 (see Jac (...)

18It remains unresolved whether the considerable concentration of Attic lekythoi in the Korykian Cave is unusual compared to other caves, from which comprehensive excavation and publication is lacking. Peculiar to this cave, nonetheless, have been the high occurrences of knucklebones, which may have been used in oracular divination, and of bronze and iron rings.53 But what was the assemblage of material goods contemporary to the black-figured lekythoi? Statistics are not feasible because some objects cannot be dated accurately and pottery fragments in particular, although meticulously recorded by Jacquemin, do not correspond to distinct vases.54

  • 55 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121-29, nos. 550-83, 586-611.
  • 56 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 93-96, 98-101, 126, 132-35, nos. 382, 385, 392-94, 396-99, 584-85, 637-40, 646 (...)
  • 57 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 144-49.
  • 58 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 94, 132, 135.

19While 34 pattern lekythoi and 26 plain black lekythoi have inventory numbers, there are also 542 non-inventoried fragments,55 hindering the calculation of the ratio of black-figured to pattern and plain black lekythoi. The prevalence of black-figured lekythoi becomes apparent vis-à-vis other Attic shapes from 500-450: 4 red-figured thymiateria, 9 black-figured pieces (2 cups, 1 goblet, 2 skyphoi, and 5 plates), 5 black-glazed pieces (2 salt cellars and 3 skyphoi), and 2 white-ground alabastra.56 These comprise only 21 pieces of 8 different shapes. While there could be more pottery from 500-450 amongst the 39 Attic vases with graffiti57 and amongst 281 non-inventoried fragments,58 these still do not compare with the high concentration of black-figured and other lekythoi.

  • 59 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 78, 153-54.
  • 60 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 154.

20The dominant presence of fifth-century Korinthian pottery, including non-miniature skyphoi, could account for the low occurrence of Attic shapes other than lekythoi.59 Choosing a black-figured lekythos for dedication in the Cave related to preferences about its shape, which was not on offer from the Korinthian pottery repertoire. The 8752 miniature Korinthian cups and skyphoi, dating from the sixth to the fourth century,60 surpassed by far the number of black-figured lekythoi. This contrast, however, could be meaningless because, as discussed, black-figured lekythoi were not defunctionalised through miniaturisation.

  • 61 Amandry, 1984a, p. 347; 1984b, p. 422.
  • 62 Zagdoun, 1984, p. 184, 186-87, 199-202, 209, nos. 27-46: the majority or identifiable rings (69%) d (...)
  • 63 Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 173-75.

21In contextualising black-figured lekythoi amongst dedications other than pottery, it is reasonable to assume that a sizeable quantity of the 50,000 fragments from terracotta figurines and the approximately 23,000 knucklebones date from 500-450, thereby outnumbering the black-figured lekythoi.61 By contrast, the catalogue of 322 identifiable rings, out of 1034 pieces in total, includes only 20 early fifth-century bronze and iron rings.62 It is unclear how many of the approximately 80 glass alabastra and amphoriskoi date from 500-450 but, in being more expensive and rare unguent vases, their presence contrasts with that of lekythoi.63

22The contemporary assemblage of material objects places the popularity of black-figured lekythoi in perspective. Surely many visitors did not bring black-figured lekythoi to the Cave. Those who did may or may not have used them alongside other dedications. Was the perfume in glass alabastra, for example, mixed with the oils of lekythoi at the site? I turn now to a detailed comparison with lekythoi from Delphi, aiming to determine more accurately the types of black-figured lekythoi people brought and used at the Cave.

  • 64 ABL p. 255.9, 241.15
  • 65 ABV p. 489.15; Para p. 238: wrongly for the same vase.
  • 66 ABV p. 489.15, 499; Para p. 561-62, excluding palmette and plain black lekythoi and those from Mede (...)
  • 67 Perdrizet, 1908; Demangel, 1923; Konstantinou, 1965.
  • 68 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161: lekythoi from an excavation in 1901 were catalogued under ‘4317’.
  • 69 Para p. 644 falls short from quoting Konstantinou, 1965, but Beazley saw the lekythoi in the summer (...)
  • 70 I am grateful to Dr. Partida for this information.
  • 71 Para p. 277-78.
  • 72 Appendix 2, no. 351865. Similar in shape to Kon. 8, which Beazley attributed to the Class of Athens (...)
  • 73 Appendix 2, no. 351886. ABL p. 98, 100: the tear-shaped lotus buds on the shoulder and the horses’ (...)
  • 74 Oslo, University Museum of Ethnography, 27456; CVA Norway Public and Private Collections 1, pl. 17. (...)

23For the Cave, I revise some of Jacquemin’s attributions, judging from the 42 photographs in her publication (Appendix 1). For Delphi, Émilie Haspels provides bibliographic references for her 2 attributions,64 but John D. Beazley does so for only 165 out of the 8466 lekythoi in his lists. There are three publications mentioning black-figured lekythoi from Delphi.67 I have matched the lekythoi in these with Beazley’s unreferenced vases based on inventory numbers,68 on descriptions of the iconography,69 and on information from the Archives of the Archaeological Museum of Delphi: Antonios Keramopoullos excavated nos. 4707, 4709, and 4710 from a grave underneath the staircase at the southeast corner of the museum in 1907.70 It is possible that another 12 lekythoi, whose inventory numbers start with ‘47’, were catalogued during the same time, but whether all come from Keramopoullos’ excavations remains unclear. These include a random sample of 5 lekythoi that I studied at the Archaeological Museum of Delphi, nos. 4703, 4705, 4717, 4718, and 4719, whereby no. 4719 bears ‘1894’ in pencil under the base. Following my autopsy at Delphi, I exclude from the subsequent discussion no. 4703 because it is plain black and revise Beazley’s attributions for nos. 4705 and 4717.71 I would attribute no. 4705 to the Class of Athens 581ii, Group of Agora P24366,72 and no. 4717 to the Diosphos Painter (figures 2-3).73 An additional lekythos of the Little-Lion Class, now in Norway, is possibly from Delphi, thus bringing the total to 86.74

  • 75 Demangel, 1923, p. 97, fig. 16a, 16i; Perdrizet, 1908, p. 160-62, nos. 253, 275-80; Konstantinou, 1 (...)
  • 76 Perdrizet, 1908, p. vi; Luce, 2008, p. 212, footnote 39.
  • 77 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 168, about black-figured lekythoi from Karoutes in the east cemetery.
  • 78 Keramopoullos, 1917, pl. 1; Amandry, 1981a, p. 721-22; Pariente, 1991, p. 231-36.

24This is a considerable concentration, because Attic pottery is genuinely scarce at Delphi. From the 86 lekythoi, 37 were found in graves at Logari, to the east of Delphi, and at the site of the Archaeological Museum, prior to its construction and during its extensions.75 The remaining lekythoi also come from graves, owing to the absence of early fifth-century deposits with cleared pottery from the temples of the sanctuary.76 The graves at Logari and the museum site formed part of the east and west cemeteries of Delphi.77 Both cemeteries, which aligned the main roads leading to Delphi, have been published only sporadically.78 The comparison between the Cave and Delphi, therefore, is between a votive and funerary social occasion of using these vessels.

  • 79 On the workshop of the Class of Athens 581 see Moore, Pease Philippides, 1986, p. 46. Luce, 1992, p (...)
  • 80 Amandry, 1984b, p. 398.

25Few lekythoi from the Cave date stylistically to the earliest fifth century, but this does not hold true for Delphi (Appendices 1 and 2). Lekythoi from the prolific workshop of the Class of Athens 581 occur scarcely at the Cave (3% out of 150) in contrast with Delphi (22% out of 86), suggesting that the Cave, notwithstanding its connection with Delphi, was also supplied by visitors travelling along different routes.79 The considerable representation of lekythos painters from 500-475 (19 lekythoi with reference to Appendix 1 by the Phanyllis and Cock Groups, the Class of Athens 581, and the Gela and Diosphos Painters) shows that the dedication of Attic lekythoi did not start in the aftermath of the Persian Wars, usually associated with increased worship of Pan.80

  • 81 Based on Knigge, 1976, p. 35-36, pl. 77, Jacquemin’s no. 419 falls under shape IV/1 from 480-470 an (...)
  • 82 ABL p. 130, 165.
  • 83 Appendix 1, nos. 546-47.
  • 84 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 300, no. 7: dark yellow fabric.

26Although lekythoi by the workshop of the Haimon Painter are by far the most numerous in both places (49% at the Cave and 67% at Delphi), these are chronologically and stylistically diverse. On the basis of relative dating from the Athenian Kerameikos, lekythoi by this workshop with round and slim cylindrical bodies from the Cave and Delphi would date to 480-470 and to 470-460 respectively.81 The Haimon Painter, moreover, collaborated with the Diosphos Painter during his early career, and with the Emporion Painter in later times.82 Lekythoi by these collaborators in the Cave further support the representation of the workshop of the Haimon Painter over the years.83 The diversity within this particular workshop is also evident from the different clay fabrics of two lekythoi that I studied at Delphi.84 The whitish-orange fabric of no. 4718 contrasts with the typically pinkish-orange Attic fabric of no. 4719, implying geographically distinct production centres or sources of clay, and procurement at Delphi from different pottery suppliers.

  • 85 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 120-21, 129: no. 548, from 475-450 (Appendix 1), measures 8 cm in diameter, an (...)
  • 86 Athenian Agora, P 10332, vidit May 2006; ABV 549.295; Para 270.

27While some large lekythoi were used at both the Cave and Delphi,85 small lekythoi predominated. Amongst 37 black-figured with known diameter from the Cave, 81% measure less than 7 cm. The potter of no. 4719, which I examined at Delphi, reduced its holding capacity by setting high the base inside the vessel, a practice also observable on other lekythoi.86

  • 87 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161, fig. 666; ABV p. 539: exact replicas. Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121, no. 547 is (...)

28Almost all lekythoi are decorated carelessly and show common scenes as noted on lekythoi from elsewhere. There are, for example, iconographic parallels for a scene of horse harnessing from Delphi and another of chariot racing from the Cave (figure 4).87 The iconographic repertoire appears to be similar in both locations, with chariot scenes prevailing.

  • 88 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 106, no. 417.
  • 89 Based on data from the online Beazley Archive, accessed 30 January 2011.
  • 90 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 101, no. 398.
  • 91 Callipolitis-Feytmans, 1974, p. 17-18.

29The question arises, nonetheless, whether specific lekythoi were chosen for dedication because their scenes could call to mind myths and cultic activity pertaining to the Cave and its topography. A prime example would be a lekythos featuring Herakles’ and Apollo’s struggle for the Delphic tripod.88 Black-figured lekythoi with this scene from destinations as far apart as Italy and Israel89 indicate that the presence of the lekythos in the Cave could simply be random. The black-figured plate from the Cave showing this scene may have been dedicated for its iconography alone,90 but black-figured plates had an exclusively dedicatory purpose91 and comparisons with lekythoi are unjustified.

  • 92 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 118, no. 517.
  • 93 Amphissa Museum, non-inventoried; Gebauer, 2002, p. 371, with references. Caves on black-figured le (...)
  • 94 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 301, no. 14, pl. 354α; Appendix 2, no. 351983 appears to be by the same hand (...)

30A lekythos fragment from the Cave featuring an altar is too small to ascertain whether or not it showed a sacrificial scene.92 A black-figured oinochoe from a grave in Amphissa (west of the Korykian Cave) shows a scene that would apparently relate to the context of the Cave: a satyr with spits inspects a blazing altar inside a cave.93 It is similarly remarkable that no lekythoi showing women around the image of Dionysos, known as Lenaia vases, were found in the Cave, while a scene based on a Lenaia prototype appears on a lekythos from Delphi.94 If visitors to the Cave wished to dedicate black-figured pottery showing religious scenes, these were available locally.

  • 95 Amandry, 1984b, p. 403.
  • 96 Tiverios, 2009b, p. 286.

31The absence of a strong correlation between the iconography on black-figured lekythoi and the context of the Cave may reflect wider dedication patterns known from other categories of objects and from elsewhere. The terracotta figurines and the images on bronze seals were also not exclusive to the Korykian Cave.95 Athenian vases dedicated at the Sanctuary of Eleusis did not, on the whole, feature scenes with Eleusinian divinities, indicating that ceramic vessels, and not just their iconography, encapsulated individuals’ acts of piety.96

  • 97 Jacquemin, 1984a, nos. 421 and 422. Konstantinou, 1965, nos. 14 and 15, 12 and 17, 18 and 19, and 2 (...)

32The use of black-figured lekythoi at the Korykian Cave and at Delphi may not have been based on choosing distinct images. Yet we cannot exclude the owners of these lekythoi failing to notice the iconography and drawing style. These contributed, perhaps subconsciously, to the visual impact of the vessels, as suggested by the occurrence of pairs of lekythoi by the same hand at both the Cave and Delphi.97 The offering of similar looking pairs may have pertained to using pairs of other objects, such as clay figurines, and need not be interpreted as thoughtless wholesale buying of pottery that had been produced and traded together. Offering visual pairs of lekythoi on dedicatory and burial social occasions would have affected patterns of production and circulation, owing to users’ demands for groups of similar lekythoi.

  • 98 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161-62.
  • 99 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299-303 (Appendix 1); Daux, 1968, p. 1059, 1061.
  • 100 Compare Konstantinou, 1965, pl. 358b-c, with Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 173-74; Perdrizet, 1908, 5 p. 162 (...)

33Two burial assemblages from Delphi could provide further comparisons to material from the Cave. Paul Perdrizet published a pit grave containing a single inhumation with 6 black-figured lekythoi, 9 pattern and plain black lekythoi, 4 pairs of clay figurines and 1 make-up spatula.98 Ioanna Konstantinou excavated an eight-person burial containing 25 black-figured lekythoi, 17 pattern and plain black lekythoi, 1 Korinthian jar, 3 small cups, 4 small unguent vases of glass and alabaster, 1 clay figurine, and 1 seashell.99 Here the black-figured lekythoi date, in my view, throughout the first half of the fifth century. Either some lekythoi were heirlooms offered at a later time or they were deposited piecemeal on different interments during this time, as also supported by the rearrangement of the skeletons. Both graves, excavated by Perdrizet and Konstantinou, exemplify the use of an abundance of black-figured lekythoi and objects with almost identical stylistic comparanda in the Korykian Cave: glass unguent vases, clay figurines, and seashells.100 The similarities could reflect procurement from the same shops, most likely at Delphi. With this in mind, I turn now to envisage the pilgrims’ travel from Delphi to the Korykian Cave.

4. Travel to the Korykian Cave

34The experience of one’s travel may not have left physical traces on objects, but could nonetheless be grafted conceptually onto these objects, personalising them further. People in antiquity may have had different ideas about such lekythoi depending on the social contexts of use, such as food consumption, body care, libations, and funerary gift offering. Some of these contexts were, through personal travel, topography, and temporality, not just deposition.

  • 101 Amandry, 1981b, p. 35-54; Papachatzis, 1981, p. 283, footnote 3.
  • 102 McInerney, 1999, p. 338; Papachatzis, 1981, p. 417, 426, footnote 2.
  • 103 McInerney, 1999, p. 46. Papachatzis, 1981, p. 421, footnote 1.
  • 104 McInerney, 1999, p. 92-115; 2010, p. 149, 151.
  • 105 Kastriotis, 1894, p. 70; Kondoleon, 1931, p. 12.
  • 106 Pharaklas, 2005, p. 9: about the high altitude.

35The Korykian Cave was connected not only with Delphi but also with Arachova and Daulis.101 Mountainous roads leading from Delphi to northern Phokis passed near the Cave: one crossed the plain below it and branched off northwards to Lilaia along the western slopes of Parnassos,102 and another continued northeastwards from the Cave to Tithorea.103 The possible practice of transhumance in Archaic and early Classical Phokis, supported by the paucity of archaeological sites from that period and the demands for sacrificial animals at Delphi, implicate the uplands near the Cave with seasonal patterns of human mobility.104 The upland plateau below the Cave, called Livadhi, was until recently cultivated and used for summer pastures.105 Although Livadhi has been neither excavated nor surveyed, its high altitude would have hindered permanent habitation, rendering it unlikely that people bought offerings for the Cave from there.106 As a destination for dedications, the Cave cannot be discussed apart from regional and interregional communication routes, and the transport of black-figured lekythoi to the Cave could provide a case in point. In what ways might pilgrims have appreciated the lekythoi during their travel to the Cave?

  • 107 Frazer, 1898, p. 399: additional routes from Delphi.
  • 108 Kastriotis, 1894, p. 70.

36Notwithstanding periods of adverse weather, especially during winter, the Cave is reasonably accessible on foot and with the aid of pack animals. One of the routes from Delphi, the Kaki Skala, starts behind the stadion where 1000 steps are cut onto the rock.107 The journey to the Cave takes, according to modern simulations, between two and three hours of climbing through mountainous terrain interrupted by the crossing of two valleys.108 As in recent times, the journey in antiquity would have required personal effort and motivation, and depending on individuals’ age, gender, physique, health, and emotional predisposition, it would have been experienced differently. The journey acquired meaning through the personal endeavours of travellers, but their experiences, such as fatigue, curiosity, and euphoria, need not have been solitary: even the journey by the Thyiadai implies travelling in groups.

  • 109 McInerney, 1997, p. 265-68; 1999, p. 44.
  • 110 Osborne, 2004.
  • 111 Schlesier, 2000, p. 130, 143-44.

37The route to the Cave was loaded with mythological and cultic associations. Myths involving Dionysos and Apollo, for example, connected Mount Parnassos with Delphi and places further away.109 Such a collective schema of myths and cult need not have been imposed in a top-down manner on individuals. They themselves had beliefs, cultural habits and needs for communication with divine entities, all of which could be grafted onto objects intended for dedication or use in ritual practices.110 The intention to dedicate black-figured lekythoi prompted various subjective associations between these vessels and users’ personal experiences gained during the journey. Since these lekythoi had relevance to the lives of many different people in society, they could encapsulate the personal dimension of travelling to the Cave. It was during the journey that people could appreciate both the material attributes of black-figured lekythoi (shape, size, surfaces, visual images, and contents), and the ways in which they were generally used as common, versatile, mobile, and popular small things, as well as potential carriers of personal value. Travelling through the landscape was a particularly dynamic experience for the ancient Greeks, for whom the countryside was full of cultic places, including mountains, fields, and caves.111 People could associate conceptually all these landscape reference points with highly transportable and socially versatile objects, thereby also connecting different locations and destinations through these material goods.

  • 112 Frazer, 1898, p. 400.

38The links between black-figured lekythoi and the landscape could be envisioned at the Cave entrance, where the altar and crevices for dedications constituted the ultimate travel destination. From the entrance people could see the plain below the Cave, the forested Mount Parnassos and, in the far distance, the sea of the Korinthian Gulf and the mountains of the Peloponnese (figure 5).112 The superb view could be potentially reminiscent of the wider region but also of sea or overland travel from one’s homeland, so that the act of placing lekythoi at the altar or crevices was inextricably linked with recollecting the personal journey. In this sense, the lekythoi became items eliciting retrospective experiences. It is also possible to speculate that ancient viewing from the entrance generated contrasts between the enormity of open space and the small hand-held lekythos, thereby affecting the personal appreciation of lekythoi beyond their habitual use in households, sanctuaries, and burials.

  • 113 Amandry, 1984a, p. 379-80.

39The seashell in the multiple burial at Delphi indicates that at least some of the shells found in the Cave were brought there during 500-450. People picked these shells from the Korinthian Gulf en route to the Cave, where they offered them, presumably as mementos.113 In a similar fashion, visitors to the Cave may have wished to express materially their individual journeys when offering black-figured lekythoi. Human mobility, therefore, was integral to the versatile use of material culture because individuals’ perceptions of landscapes reshaped ideas about objects.

5. Conclusions

40Stylistically similar lekythoi were offered as votives to Pan and the Nymphs at the Cave and as burial gifts at the cemeteries of the town at Delphi, exposing the interdependence between the two locations and the flow of goods along the routes that connected them. Because of their small size, slender shape, and oily contents, these lekythoi related functionally and conceptually to the human body and the lives of different users in terms of age, gender, and social status. When people travelled to the Korykian Cave, their journey entailed effort, motivation, and personal appreciation of the mythological and visible landscape. These lekythoi could have been subjectively entangled in peoples’ journeys and offered as travel tokens.

41The ways in which black-figured lekythoi became personally important can account for their popularity in social terms. The exploratory investigation of personal travel presented here aims to place common and hastily manufactured small things in individuals’ hands in order to address how people in antiquity appreciated these vessels. This approach potentially enriches any discussion of pottery design (shape, size, style, iconography, and function) and of the economics of production, trade, and consumption.

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Annexe

Appendix 1. Black-figured lekythoi from the Korykian Cave114

Attribution

No. of lekythoi

Reference

Stylistic date

Phanyllis Group115

7

400; 401; 402; 405; 484; 485; 517

Ca. 500

No attribution, possibly Phanyllis Group

4

403; 404; 406; 407

Ca. 500

Near Gela Painter

1

459116

Ca. 500

Cock Group

2

408; 409

500-475

Class of Athens 581

4

410; 411; 413117; 416118

500-475

Diosphos Painter

1

547119

Ca. 480

Emporion Painter

1

546120

475-450

Beldam Painter

1

548121

475-450

Workshop of the Haimon Painter

73

412; 415; 417; 419; 421; 422; 423-434; 435; 436-440; 441; 442; 443; 444; 445; 446; 447; 448-458; 460; 461; 462; 463-473; 474;
475-482; 487-494

500-450

Workshop of the Haimon Painter (perhaps)

8

414122; 420123; 483124; 537; 538; 539; 540; 541

500-450

No attribution

43

496; 498; 499; 500-515; 518-536; 542-545; 549

500-450

No attribution, not workshop of Haimon Painter

5

418125; 486; 495; 497; 516126

500-450

TOTAL

150

Appendix 2. Black-figured lekythoi from Delphi127

Attribution

No. of lekythoi

Reference128

Stylistic date

Athena Painter

1

390487 (Per. 253)

Ca. 500

Little Lion Class [Marstrander and Seeberg]

1

361472

Ca. 500

Phanyllis Group

1

340658

Ca. 500

Cock Group

5

3984 (Kon. 2); 340706; 340710129; 340753 (Kon. 3); Para 210 Delphi 9(?).

500-480

Class of Athens 581

[Volioti, for no. 351865]

19

303530 (Per. 279); 305367; 351865; 360939; 360954 (Kon. 6); 360958 (Per. 280); 360987 (Kon. 4); 360988 (Kon. 5); 361156 (Per. 278); 361157 (Kon. 7); 361162 (Per. 275); 361163; 361167 (Kon. 9); 361171 (Kon. 8); 361217 (Per. 276); 361275; 361313; 361317; Kon. 27.

500-475

Diosphos Painter [Volioti]

1

351886

Ca. 480

The workshop of the Haimon Painter

58

351728 (Per. 277); 351729 (Ker. 4710); 351731 (Ker. 4709); 351733; 351735 (Kon. 24); 351736 (Ker. 4707); 351737; 351738; 351739; 351740 (Kon. 20); 351744; 351758; 351759; 351760; 351779 (Kon. 21); 351781; 351796 (Kon. 13 or 25); 351810 (Kon. 18 or 19); 351811 (Kon. 19 or 18); 351812; 351813; 351814; 351815; 351823 (Kon. 26); 351827; 351838 (Kon. 25 or 13); 351840; 351880; 351892 (Kon. 12 or 22); 351893 (Kon. 22 or 12); 351894; 351899 (Kon. 16); 351900; 351904; 351905; 351909; 351910; 351911 (Per. 255); 351912; 351926; 351927; 351928; 351929; 351957; 351962; 351970 (Kon. 23); 351976; 351980 (Kon. 17); 351981; 351983 (Kon. 14); 351984; 351985; 351990 (Kon. 15); 390411 (Per. 256); Para 273 “The like”; Para 281 “women plucking fruit” (Kon. 11); Para 282 “woman with a bull”; Para 277.

500-450

TOTAL

86130

Figure 1. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4718 (left) and 4717 (right), and half-litre plastic water bottle.

Figure 1. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4718 (left) and 4717 (right), and half-litre plastic water bottle.

Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.

Figure 2. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4719 (left), 4705 (right).

Figure 2. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4719 (left), 4705 (right).

Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.

Figure 3. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4703.

Figure 3. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4703.

Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.

Figure 4. Fragmentary black-figured lekythos from the Korykian Cave;
Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121, no. 547.

Figure 4. Fragmentary black-figured lekythos from the Korykian Cave; Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121, no. 547.

Photograph: P. Collet. With permission of the École française d’Athènes, negative number: L4546,25.

Figure 5. View from the entrance of the Korykian Cave.

Figure 5. View from the entrance of the Korykian Cave.

Photograph: P. Amandry, with permission of the École française d’Athènes, negative number: 74580.

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Notes

1 All dates are BCE unless otherwise noted.

2 I exclude pattern lekythoi with geometric or floral motifs, and plain black lekythoi lacking figural decoration. Both types were used en masse to such an extent that qualitative studies become meaningless (AWL p. 143). Also excluded are the relatively rare lekythoi in Six’s technique.

3 Algrain et al., 2008, p. 151; Hatzivassiliou, 2010, p. 97.

4 Maffre, 1971, p. 663, no. 17; Jubier-Galinier, 2003, p. 84-85; Kathariou, 2006, p. 115.

5 BCH Suppl., 7; BCH Suppl., 9; Amandry, 1972; Amandry, 1991; Bommelaer, 1991, p. 243-45; Maass, 1993, p. 37-40; McInerney, 1997, p. 276-83, and Larson, 2001, p. 234-38.

6 Amandry, 1984b, p. 397-98; Empereur, 1984, p. 340, and Marcadé, 1984, p. 337: neither stone inscriptions nor sculptures from 500-450.

7 Appadurai, 1986; Kopytoff, 1986; Dietler, 2010.

8 Meskell, 2004; Knappett, 2005; Miller, 2005; Boivin, 2008; Oslen, 2010.

9 Warnier, 2001; Brück, 2005; Thomas, 2006; Tilley, 2008.

10 Amandry, 1981c, p. 77-78, 82, 87, 93, 106, fig. 3.

11 Mylonopoulos, 2008, p. 56-57; Amandry, 1972, p. 257 (no structures). On the Cave’s being unsuited for habitation see: Frazer, 1898, p. 400; Amandry, 1981b, p. 49-50; Papachatzis, 1981, p. 418, footnote 1. Contra Herodotos’ account (8.36) that the people of Delphi took refuge there during the Persian advance in 480.

12 Amandry, 1981c, p. 90-93; 1984b, p. 413, 415, 418-21: crevices for dedications are found only outside the Cave.

13 Ustinova, 2009, p. 13-52.

14 Roux, 1976, p. 184-86; Amandry, 1981b, p. 29-35; Pasquier, 1977, p. 386: a mid-fifth-century clay group of the Nymphs dancing around Pan. Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 166 footnote 1: the bone auloi may relate to Pan’s worship; McInerney, 1997, p. 279: Dionysos’ worship contra Amandry, 1984b, p. 411, footnote 37. McInerney, 1999, p. 104: about Hermes’ theft of Apollo’s sacred herd.

15 Roux, 1976, p. 175-84; Dillon, 1997, p. 193; LIMC 8.1 (1997) s.v. Thyiades [D. Skorda]; Villanueva-Puig, 2009, p. 45-46.

16 Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 175; Amandry, 1984a, p. 377; Amandry, 1984b, p. 403; McInerney, 1997, p. 278.

17 Larson, 2001, p. 227.

18 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 154.

19 Amandry, 1984b, p. 401.

20 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 160-62, 168; Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299-303. Steiner, 1992, p. 404, shows unawareness of burial findspots at Delphi.

21 Partida, 2000, p. 279, 291.

22 Amandry, 1984b, p. 424.

23 Dillon, 1997, p. xv-xviii; Elsner, Rutherford, 2005, p. 18-19, 21: oreibasia, and ‘sacred tourism’ were modes of pilgrimage; LIMC Suppl. 1 (2009) s.v. Theoria [A.C. Smith].

24 Scott, 2010.

25 Frère, 2008, p. 210.

26 Volioti, 2007.

27 ABL p. 130-41, 170-91.

28 Based on measurements of 150 lekythoi by the Haimon Painter and Group in CVAs available through the online Beazley Archive, accessed 25 January 2011.

29 Schmidt, 2005, p. 33-34.

30 The following small lekythoi, which I have examined in Athens, as well as central and northern Greece, are perfectly functional vessels (in brackets are my measurements in cm for height and shoulder diameter): Athenian Agora, P 22518 (H: 12.8; D: 3.8), Moore, Pease Philippides, 1986, no. 1221; Volos, BE5690 (H: 11.7; D: 3.7), unpublished; Veroia, Π1622 (H: 12.2; D: 3.6), Romiopoulou, Touratsoglou, 2002, p. 74-75.

31 St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum, 4224; Para p. 516.166; Sutton, 1992, p. 18, fig. 1.5b.

32 Louvre, CA 3758; National Museum, Athens, 1826; Schmidt, 2005, p. 46, 50, figs. 10, 15.

33 Volioti, 2011, p. 142.

34 Schmidt, 2005, p. 38.

35 Volioti, 2011. Sabetai, forthcoming.

36 Lynch, 2009, p. 73-74.

37 Felten et al., 2003, p. 46, fig. 7.4 (I am grateful to Prof. Felten for information about this piece). Felten et al., 2007, p. 98, fig. 15.

38 Tiverios, 2009a, p. 390, fig. 7.

39 Haggis, et al., 2007, p. 249-51.

40 Burow, 2000, p. 207-10, 236-83: the majority of the 316 black-figured lekythoi were found throughout the sanctuary of Olympia, including Phidias’ workshop.

41 Braun, 1987, p. 55, 64, fig. 67o.

42 Wolters, 1925, p. xiv, xxiii; Graef, Langlotz, 1925, p. 230-31. Unpublished photograph: D-DAI-ATH-Akropolis Vasen 105, German Archaeological Institute, Athens.

43 Moore, 1986, p. 53, 81-84, 88-90.

44 Unpublished photograph: TRIPH. 179, German Archaeological Institute, Athens.

45 Zampiti, Vasilopoulou, 2008, p. 449-52, figs. 18, 23-25; Kyparisi-Apostolika, 2008, p. 35, fig. 36.

46 Ephorate of Palaeoanthropology-Speleology of Southern Greece, Athens, K1104, K5361; K2634; K386, K2931, and K944. Unpublished. Zampiti, forthcoming.

47 Poulios, 1995a; 1995b.

48 As in Thessaly, see Volioti, 2009.

49 Scheffer, 1988, p. 544.

50 Amandry, 1984b, p. 422-43.

51 Amandry, 1972, p. 256; Amandry, 1981c, p. 87, 90.

52 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 27 and footnote 1, p. 101-21 nos. 400-549.

53 Amandry, 1984b, p. 409-11.

54 Otherwise the total of fifth-century Attic vases, for instance, would be greater than 1394 (see Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 153).

55 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121-29, nos. 550-83, 586-611.

56 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 93-96, 98-101, 126, 132-35, nos. 382, 385, 392-94, 396-99, 584-85, 637-40, 646-47, 651-53. Callipolitis-Feytmans, 1974, p. 295-96.3, not mentioned by Jacquemin.

57 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 144-49.

58 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 94, 132, 135.

59 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 78, 153-54.

60 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 154.

61 Amandry, 1984a, p. 347; 1984b, p. 422.

62 Zagdoun, 1984, p. 184, 186-87, 199-202, 209, nos. 27-46: the majority or identifiable rings (69%) dates from the fourth century.

63 Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 173-75.

64 ABL p. 255.9, 241.15

65 ABV p. 489.15; Para p. 238: wrongly for the same vase.

66 ABV p. 489.15, 499; Para p. 561-62, excluding palmette and plain black lekythoi and those from Medeon (T 70, 86).

67 Perdrizet, 1908; Demangel, 1923; Konstantinou, 1965.

68 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161: lekythoi from an excavation in 1901 were catalogued under ‘4317’.

69 Para p. 644 falls short from quoting Konstantinou, 1965, but Beazley saw the lekythoi in the summer of 1965 (see Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299, footnote 1). His and Konstantinou’s descriptions for the same lekythos can diverge: Beazley interprets rightly a scene as the Amazonomachy, whereas Konstantinou identifies it as three hoplites; see Para p. 236 and Konstantinou, 1965, p. 300, no. 7, pl. 350d-e with the Amazons’ short tunic clearly visible. Appendix 2, no. 361157 (Kon. 7).

70 I am grateful to Dr. Partida for this information.

71 Para p. 277-78.

72 Appendix 2, no. 351865. Similar in shape to Kon. 8, which Beazley attributed to the Class of Athens 581ii (Para p. 237; Appendix 2, no. 361171).

73 Appendix 2, no. 351886. ABL p. 98, 100: the tear-shaped lotus buds on the shoulder and the horses’ large round heads indicate the Diosphos Painter.

74 Oslo, University Museum of Ethnography, 27456; CVA Norway Public and Private Collections 1, pl. 17.4-5.

75 Demangel, 1923, p. 97, fig. 16a, 16i; Perdrizet, 1908, p. 160-62, nos. 253, 275-80; Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299-303 nos. 2-9, 11-27, pl. 349-50 and 352-57. Perdrizet, 1908, p. 153-54 and Maass, 1993, p. 71: the museum site was used intensively as a burial ground from Mycenaean to Roman times.

76 Perdrizet, 1908, p. vi; Luce, 2008, p. 212, footnote 39.

77 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 168, about black-figured lekythoi from Karoutes in the east cemetery.

78 Keramopoullos, 1917, pl. 1; Amandry, 1981a, p. 721-22; Pariente, 1991, p. 231-36.

79 On the workshop of the Class of Athens 581 see Moore, Pease Philippides, 1986, p. 46. Luce, 1992, p. 269-70, has similar conclusions to mine, based on the varied provenances of the terracotta figurines from the Cave.

80 Amandry, 1984b, p. 398.

81 Based on Knigge, 1976, p. 35-36, pl. 77, Jacquemin’s no. 419 falls under shape IV/1 from 480-470 and nos. 421 and 422 under IV/2 from 470-460, while Konstantinou’s no. 13 under III/2 from 490-480 and nos. 21 and 22 under IV/2 from 470-460.

82 ABL p. 130, 165.

83 Appendix 1, nos. 546-47.

84 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 300, no. 7: dark yellow fabric.

85 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 120-21, 129: no. 548, from 475-450 (Appendix 1), measures 8 cm in diameter, and 99 non-inventoried fragments come from large lekythoi. Perdrizet, 1908, p. 162, no. 280: 23 cm in height.

86 Athenian Agora, P 10332, vidit May 2006; ABV 549.295; Para 270.

87 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161, fig. 666; ABV p. 539: exact replicas. Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121, no. 547 is comparable to Menidi Museum, Athens, MM69; Platonos-Giota, 2004, p. 310, no. 43 (I am grateful to Mrs. Platonos-Giota for allowing me to study this lekythos).

88 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 106, no. 417.

89 Based on data from the online Beazley Archive, accessed 30 January 2011.

90 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 101, no. 398.

91 Callipolitis-Feytmans, 1974, p. 17-18.

92 Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 118, no. 517.

93 Amphissa Museum, non-inventoried; Gebauer, 2002, p. 371, with references. Caves on black-figured lekythoi frame a variety of central scenes and may have aimed to create a symmetrical effect (see Dietrich, 2010, p. 158-59, fig. 131).

94 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 301, no. 14, pl. 354α; Appendix 2, no. 351983 appears to be by the same hand as Chalkidiki, Polygyros Museum, 1104; Kaltsas, 1998, p. 67, pl. 68γ-δ.

95 Amandry, 1984b, p. 403.

96 Tiverios, 2009b, p. 286.

97 Jacquemin, 1984a, nos. 421 and 422. Konstantinou, 1965, nos. 14 and 15, 12 and 17, 18 and 19, and 21 and 22.

98 Perdrizet, 1908, p. 161-62.

99 Konstantinou, 1965, p. 299-303 (Appendix 1); Daux, 1968, p. 1059, 1061.

100 Compare Konstantinou, 1965, pl. 358b-c, with Jacquemin, 1984b, p. 173-74; Perdrizet, 1908, 5 p. 162, fig. 675 (figurine of ithyphallic satyr) and Konstantinou, 1965, pl. 358a (figurine of seated female) with Amandry, 1991, p. 252, fig. 17 and p. 253, fig. 19b respectively. For seashells, compare Konstantinou, 1965, pl. 358d with Amandry, 1984a, p. 378-80 and fig. 43.

101 Amandry, 1981b, p. 35-54; Papachatzis, 1981, p. 283, footnote 3.

102 McInerney, 1999, p. 338; Papachatzis, 1981, p. 417, 426, footnote 2.

103 McInerney, 1999, p. 46. Papachatzis, 1981, p. 421, footnote 1.

104 McInerney, 1999, p. 92-115; 2010, p. 149, 151.

105 Kastriotis, 1894, p. 70; Kondoleon, 1931, p. 12.

106 Pharaklas, 2005, p. 9: about the high altitude.

107 Frazer, 1898, p. 399: additional routes from Delphi.

108 Kastriotis, 1894, p. 70.

109 McInerney, 1997, p. 265-68; 1999, p. 44.

110 Osborne, 2004.

111 Schlesier, 2000, p. 130, 143-44.

112 Frazer, 1898, p. 400.

113 Amandry, 1984a, p. 379-80.

114 Jacquemin, 1984a. Reference numbers provided here are those of Jacquemin (not in the online Beazley Archive, as of 15 May 2010). Lekythoi illustrated in Jacquemin’s publication are indicated in bold face. Attributions are those of Jacquemin unless otherwise specified.

115 My attribution: the Group of Arming lekythoi (no. 484) and of the Hoplite-leaving-home (no. 485).

116 My attribution: near the Gela Painter because the level of detail rendering the mule’s head, including the three incisions above the eye, are not typical for the workshop of the Haimon Painter. See Moore, Pease Philippides, 1986, no. 870 and Dias, 2009, no. 79.

117 My attribution: Class of Athens 581ii, given the broad shape.

118 My attribution: Class of Athens 581ii. See Moore, Pease Philippides, 1986, no. 990.

119 My attribution: the Diosphos Painter, who commonly painted double chariot races with non-verbal inscriptions.

120 My attribution: the Emporion Painter because of the figures’ leaning posture and flat feet and, typically for this painter, the sprinkled black dots in the background, see ABL p. 166.

121 My attribution: the Beldam Painter, given the set of two ‘wet-incised’ lines below the scene, see ABL p. 171.

122 Alternatively this could be by the Class of Athens 581ii.

123 The angle at shoulder-body junction is typical for the workshop of the Beldam Painter, see ABL p. 178.

124 The poor quality of the published photograph hinders any attribution.

125 The thick thighs are unlike the slim figures by the workshop of the Haimon Painter, see ABL p. 131.

126 The garland-wearing athlete could be reminiscent of lekythoi by the Beldam Painter.

127 Sources: www.beazley.ox.ac.uk; Perdrizet, 1908, 5; Konstantinou, 1965; The Archives of the Archaeological Museum of Delphi. Attributions are those of Haspels or Beazley unless stated otherwise.

128 Vase number in the online Beazley Archive, accessed 15 May 2010 or reference for vases not in the database. Concordance in brackets for Perdrizet’s (Per.) and Konstantinou’s (Kon.) numbers, and Keramopoullos’ (Ker.) 1907 excavation.

129 This could perhaps be Per. 254.

130 Excluding 3983 (in Six’s Technique), 352003 (plain black), 361164 (the correct provenance of which is Gela and not Delphi) and 361202 (same as 303530 and mistakenly re-attributed by Beazley).

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4718 (left) and 4717 (right), and half-litre plastic water bottle.
Crédits Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2188/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 328k
Titre Figure 2. Black-figured lekythoi. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4719 (left), 4705 (right).
Crédits Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2188/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 232k
Titre Figure 3. Delphi Archaeological Museum, 4703.
Crédits Photograph: author, with permission of the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2188/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 284k
Titre Figure 4. Fragmentary black-figured lekythos from the Korykian Cave; Jacquemin, 1984a, p. 121, no. 547.
Crédits Photograph: P. Collet. With permission of the École française d’Athènes, negative number: L4546,25.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2188/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 404k
Titre Figure 5. View from the entrance of the Korykian Cave.
Crédits Photograph: P. Amandry, with permission of the École française d’Athènes, negative number: 74580.
URL http://pallas.revues.org/docannexe/image/2188/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 669k
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Pour citer cet article

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Katerina Volioti, « Travel tokens to the Korykian Cave near Delphi: Perspectives from material and human mobility », Pallas, 86 | 2011, 263-285.

Référence électronique

Katerina Volioti, « Travel tokens to the Korykian Cave near Delphi: Perspectives from material and human mobility », Pallas [En ligne], 86 | 2011, mis en ligne le 30 octobre 2011, consulté le 28 mars 2017. URL : http://pallas.revues.org/2188 ; DOI : 10.4000/pallas.2188

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Auteur

Katerina Volioti

PhD candidate
The University of Reading
k.volioti@pgr.reading.ac.uk

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