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Agostiniani, L., 1982, Le «iscrizioni parlanti» dell’Italia antica, Florence.
Appadurai, A., 1986, Introduction: Commodities and the politics of value, in A. Appadurai (ed.), 1986, The Social Life of Things: Commodities in cultural perspective, Cambridge, p. 3-63.
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Coppola, D., 1981, La Grotta di S. Maria di Agnano ad Ostuni, in Atti del Convegno dei comuni messapici, peuceti e dauni, 8, Bari, p. 174-88.
Cornell, T.J., 1991, The tyranny of the evidence: a discussion of the possible uses of literacy in Etruria and Latium in the archaic age, in M. Beard et al., Literacy in the Roman World, Ann Arbor, p. 7-33.
Cinquepalmi, A., 1987, Ostuni, Grotta S. Maria d’Agnano, 7, TARAS, 1-2, p. 135-36.
D’Andria, F., 1979, Salento arcaico. La nuova documentazione archeologica. Appendice: Oria. Scavi in località Monte Papalucio, in AAVV, Salento Arcaico. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale Lecce 5-8 aprile 1979, Galantina, p. 15-28
D’Andria, F., 1990, Archeologia dei Messapi, Bari.
D’Andria, F. and Dell’Aglio, A. (eds.), 2002, Klaohi Zis. Il culto di Zeus a Ugento, Cavallino.
De Simone, C., 1979, Il Messapico, in AA.VV., Le incrizioni pre-latine in Italia. Atti dei convegni Lincei 39, Rome, p. 105-17.
De Simone, C., 1982, Su tabaras (femm.-a) e la diffusione di culti misteriosofici nella Messapia, SE, 50, p. 177-97
De Simone, C., 1988, Iscrizioni messapiche della Grotta della Poesia (Melendugno, Lecce), ASNP, 18.2, p. 325-415.
De Simone, C. and Marchesini, S., 2002, Monumenta Linguae Messapicae, Wiesbaden.
Dewailly, M. and Denoyelle, M., 2004, Santa Maria di Agnano (Ostuni), MEFRA, 116 (1), p. 661-68.
Frisone, F., 2007, Repertorio della documentazione letteraria, epigrafica e numismatica riferiblie a oria e alla religione Messapica.
Garfinkel, Y., 1994, Ritual burial of cultic objects: the earliest evidence, CAJ, 4, p. 159-88.
Glinister, F., 2000, Sacred rubbish, in E. Bispham and C.J. Smith (edss), Religion in archaic and republican Rome and Italy, Edinburgh, p. 54-70.
Guglielmino, R., 2006, Rocca Vecchia (Lecce). New evidence for Aegean contacts with Apulia in the Late Bronze Age, Accordia Research Papers, 10, p. 87-102.
Jeffery, L.H., 1990, The local scripts of archaic Greece: a study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C., rev. ed., Oxford.
Kopytoff, I., 1986, The cultural biography of things: Commoditization as a process, in A. Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in cultural perspective, Cambridge, p. 64-94.
Lamboley, J.-L., 1996, Recherches sur les messapiens, ive-iie siècle avant J.-C., Rome.
Lomas, K., forthcoming, Hidden writing: epitaphs within tombs in early Italy, in M.-L. Haack (ed.), L’écriture et l’espace de la mort, Paris.
Marchesini, S., 1999, Confini e frontiera nella grecità d’Occidente: la situazione alfabetica, in AA.VV. Confini e frontiera nella grecità d’Occidente. Atti di 37 o Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto, p. 173-212.
Osborne, R., 2004, Hoards, votives, offerings: The archaeology of the dedicated object. World Archaeology, 36.1, p. 1-10.
Pagliara, C., 1973, La grotta Porcinara al Capo di S. Maria di Leuca, 1, Le iscrizioni, Annali della Facoltà di Lettere di Lecce, 6, p. 5-67.
Pagliara, C., 1978a, La grotta Poesia di Roca (Melendugno-Lecce). Note preliminari, ASNP, 17, p. 267-328.
Pagliara, C., 1978b, Iscrizioni su materiali fittili, in AA.VV. Leuca, Galatina, p. 17-89.
Pagliara, C., 1978c, Le iscrizioni parietali, in AA.VV., Leuca, Galatina, p. 189-208.
Pagliara, C., 1979, Materiali iscritti arcaici del Salento, in AA.VV., Salento arcaico, Galantina, p. 57-91.
Pagliara, C., 1981, Prime note per una storia dei culti nel Salento arcaico, Atti del Convegno dei comuni messapici, peuceti e dauni, 8, Bari, p. 143-51.
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Parlangèli, O., 1960, Studi Messapici, Milan.
Pascucci, P., 1990, I depositi votivi paleoveneti: per un’archeologia del culto, Padua.
Pedley, J.G., 2005, Sanctuaries and the sacred in the ancient Greek world, Cambridge.
Prosdocimi, A.L., 1986, Messapico no “sum”, SE, 54, p. 196-204.
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Santoro, C., 1984, Nuovi Studi Messapici. Primo supplemento. Parte I (le epigrafi). Parte II (il lessico), Galantina.
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Santoro, C., 1989-1990, Nuovi studi messapici: II supplemento, SE, 56, p. 376-77.
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Whitehouse, R.D. and Wilkins, J.B., 1989, Greeks and Natives in South-East Italy: Approaches to the Archaeological Evidence, in T.C. Champion (ed.), Centre and Periphery. Comparative Studies in Archaeology, London, p. 102-26.
Inevitably, there is considerable uncertainty over whether more lavish votives were offered but failed to survive, a point which is discussed further below. The general impression, however, is that fewer high value and/or purpose-made votives were offered than was the case in some other areas of Italy, such as Etruria or the Veneto, especially in the Archaic period: Pascucci, 1990, p. 183-90; Bonfante, 2006.
All dates hereafter are BCE unless otherwise noted.
Whitehouse, Wilkins, 1989.
Stoddart, Whitley 1988; Cornell 1991; Bagnasco Gianni 1996.
On the problems of identifying and recording votive deposits, see Osborne, 2004.
Many of the inscriptions are dated on the basis of letter forms rather than archaeological context and this dating may therefore be open to revision. See De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, p. 5-6.
Collected in Parlangèli, 1960; Santoro, 1982; Santoro, 1984. The most recent edition is De Simone, Marchesini, 2002.
See De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, p. 5-7, in which many of the later inscriptions, previously thought to be as late as the 1st century, are redated to the 3rd or early 2nd century.
De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, p. 5-6
IM 30.111 (Santoro 1982, p. 151-53); Marchesini, 1999, p. 181-203.
Marchesini, 1999, p. 181-203.
There are a number of cippi with longer inscriptions, which may be legal or administrative in nature, such as those from Carovigno (IM 5.21-23: Parlangèli, 1960, p. 63-68), Oria (IM 9.19: Santoro, 1982, p. 36-40), Brindisi (IM 6.13 and 6.21: Parlangèli, 1960, p. 72-74), and Galantina (IM 21.11: Parlangèli, 1960, p. 178). Others, such as an inscription on part of a stone cornice from Valesio (IM 14.110: Parlangèli, 1960, p. 129-30) and a large inscribed stone block ornamented with triglyphs and metopes from Ugento (IM 26.18: Santoro, 1982, p. 112-13), may have been building inscriptions. On the typology of Messapic inscriptions, see Lomas, forthcoming.
For instance at Monte Papalucio, near Oria (Lamboley, 1996, p. 128-29), S. Maria Agnano, at Ostuni (Coppola, 1981; Lamboley, 1996, p. 38), and Grotta Porcinara (Pagliara 1987; Lamboley, 1996, p. 266-68).
These came in many forms, some plain and others decorated with incised patterns, but few had inscriptions. For the typologies of cippi and stelae, see D’Andria, 1990, p. 61-68; D’Andria, Dell’Aglio, 2002, p. 52-54.
Few remains survive, but the architectural terracottas found on some sites suggest the presence of cult buildings. See Lamboley, 1996, p. 358-60.
Coppola, 1981; Denoyelle, Dewailly, 2004; Pagliara, 1987, p. 297; Guglielmino, 2006.
Lombardo, 1981, p. 14-18; Lamboley, 1996, p. 444-48, 448-50. Lombardo argues that the development of the sanctuary was part of the emergence of Oria as an important Messapic centre, and that it was located on a cultural and political boundary between a Tarentine dominated area and a Salentine region with an increasingly well defined Messapic identity.
The interiors of the Grotta Porcinara and Grotta della Poesia are heavily covered with rock-cut inscriptions in Greek, Messapic, and Latin, many forming a densely overlapping palimpset which is extremely difficult to decipher. The Messapic texts all come from the Grotta della Poesia, but less than half of the total area of the cave has been examined, and it is possible that more will be deciphered. See Pagliara, 1979; 1987; De Simone, 1988; De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, MLM 3 Ro-24 Ro.
IM 26.16 (Parlangèli, 1960, p. 219).
IM 7.115 (Parlangèli, 1960, p. 87).
The Messapic pantheon included a large number of deities clearly associated with, or derived from, Greek cults, such as Aprodita (Aphrodite) and Damatra/Damatira (Demeter). The forms of ritual and the specific nature of these cults was, however, purely local. See Santoro, 1988; Frisone, 2007.
Coppola, 1981, p. 176-77; Cinquepalmi, 1987; Lamboley, 1996, p. 38; Dewailly, Denoyelle, 2004, p. 663-64.
Coppola, 1981, p. 183-86.
Coppola, 1981. p. 187-88; Cinquepalmi, 1987; Dewailly, Denoyelle, 2004, p. 664-66.
De Simone, 1982.
D’Andria, 1979, p. 27-27; D’Andria, 1990, p. 239-40; Lamboley, 1996, p. 128-29.
D’Andria, 1990, p. 274-78.
D’Andria, 1990, p. 239-306.
Pagliara, 1978a, p. 68-77.
Pagliara, 1978a, p. 58-68, 77-80; Lamboley, 1996, p. 266-67.
Pagliara, 1973; Pagliara, 1978c.
Rouveret, 1978, p. 91-106; Pagliara, 1978b; Lamboley, 1996, p. 267-68.
The identity of the deity is discussed further below, but it appears in both Greek and Messapic inscriptions. The Messapic form appears to be Batas, as demonstrated by a relatively intact inscription on a 3rd century skyphos from Mesagne (IM 0.320; Santoro, 1982, p. 165-66), but it also appears in a Greek dedication to Zeus Batios (Pagliara, 1978, p. 177-88, no. E.8), suggesting that, like many Messapic deities, it was assimilated to a Greek god, in this case Zeus.
Pagliara, 1987; Guglielmino, 2006; De Simone, 1988.
Lombardo, 1981, p. 14-18; Lamboley, 1996, p. 444-50; Whitehouse, Wilkins 1989.
IM 27.13 (Santoro, 1982, p. 125; Pagliara, 1978b, p. 187-89) and IM 27.116 (Santoro, 1982, p. 72; Pagliara, 1978b, p. 178, E10).
IM 27.115 (Santoro, 1982, p. 131; Pagliara, 1978b, p. 187-89); IM 4.100 (Santoro, 1989-1990, p. 425-26); IM 0.320 (Santoro, 1982, p. 165-66).
The identification of the script is also problematic, as the Messapic script is closely based on the Greek alphabet, although the presence of one of the distinctive Messapic characters may give some clue as to whether an inscription is Greek or Messapic.
A distinctive subset of Messapic language and script, often termed Apulian, developed in the 4th century. This was principally restricted to northern Puglia, but the Apulian dialect and script is found in some of the ritual inscriptions from other sites in the region, notably Grotta della Poesia (De Simone, 1988).
Pagliara, 1973; Pagliara, 1978b; Pagliara, 1978c, p. 195-207; Pagliara, 1979, p. 68-77.
The so-called iscrizioni parlanti which take the form ‘I belong to ....’ are very common in Etruria and some other areas of central and northern Italy (Agostiniani 1982), but this use of inscription as a mark of ownership or possession is not often found in Puglia.
IM 0.472 (Santoro, 1989-1990). The ending ‘-aihi’ is very common in Messapic inscriptions and is fairly securely identified as a genitive. It is very widely attested in funerary inscriptions and other evidence for personal names. For the interpretations of no, see Prosdocimi, 1986.
IM 9.121; Santoro, 1982, p. 55-56.
IM 0.472; Santoro, 1982, p. 200-201.
Pagliara, 1978, p. 177-88; Frisone, 2007. Batas may have been the Messapic name of the god, who also appears to have been equated with Zeus, appearing in a Greek inscription as Zeus Batios (βατιος εμι: Pagliara, 1978b, p. 179, E8 and 187-89). The derivation of Atiaxte is unclear, but Idde may derive from Zis, the Messapic name for Zeus. See Santoro, 1988, p.142-44, 148-51.
Porto Cesareo: IM 29. 11 (Santoro, 1982, p. 137-38); Ruffano: IM 32.11 (Santoro, 1982, p. 159-60); S. Maria D’Agnano: IM 4.19 (Santoro, 1989-1990, p. 378).
D’Andria, 1990, p. 273, no. 128; De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, MLM 42 Ur. This is highly fragmentary and only the name and epithet of the goddess—[a]na ap[rodita]—survive.
Stoddart, Whitley 1988.
Santoro, 1988; Frisone, 2007.
Clearchus fr. 48 ap. Athenaeus 12.522D-F; Pagliara, 1978, p. 177-88; Frisone, 2007; IM 0.323 (Santoro, 1984, p. 105-106).
De Simone, Marchesini, 2002, MLM 3 Ro-24 Ro.
Another possible dedication to Taotor has been found at Vaste (IM 22.19: Parlangèli, 1960, p. 183) and the tomb of a priest of Taotor is known from Mesagne (IM 12.118: Santoro, 1982, p. 85-86).
Votives: Lamboley, 1996, p. 191-96; inscriptions: Pagliara, 1987, p. 317-27.
Statue of Zeus: D’Andria, Dell’Aglio, 2002. Votives of bronze or precious metal are less likely to survive as they were more vulnerable to plunder or to reuse. For the practice elsewhere in the Mediterranean of melting down votives to make ritual vessels, see Van Straten, 1981, p. 80; Becker, 2009, p. 90.
Cf. Renfrew, 1994, p. 49-53 on the possible motivations for deposition of votives, and Van Straten, 1992, p. 78-104 for the motives for making votive offerings of various types.
On the motivations for burial of votives, see Renfew, Bahn, 1991, p. 360; Garfinkel, 1994, p. 160-62, 180. For Italian votive deposits, see Glinister, 2000; Becker, 2009, p. 88-90.
Cf. also Pedley, 2005, p. 113-14 on the role of cult appropriateness rather than the status of the donor in determining the nature of votive offerings at some south Italian Greek sanctuaries.
Stoddart, Whitley, 1988; for an alternative view, see Cornell, 1991.
On changing nature, status, and significance of objects during their life cycle, and the processes of singularization, see Appadurai, 1986, p. 11-16; Kopytoff, 1986, p. 73-77.
For instance, an Attic red-figure krater found in a tomb at Nola, and inscribed suqina (‘of the tomb’: Rix, 1991, Cm 4.2). Similar examples of grave goods inscribed with the same word have been found at Cerveteri (Rix, 1991, Cr 4.6, Cr 4.7, Cr 4.13, Cr 4.14), Volsinii (Rix, 1991, Vs 4.16, Vs 4.17) and many other Etruscan sites.
On the social function of literacy in Puglia, see Lomas, forthcoming.
For example, mi mulu licineśi velχainaśi (‘I am the gift of Lincies Velχaias’: Rix, 1991, Cr 3.13); mi spanti squlinas (‘I am the plate of Squlina’: Rix, 1991, Cr 2.3); mi larθia usiles (‘I am of Larthia Usiles’: Rix, 1991, Cr 2.64).
Becker, 2009, 87-89, 96-97.
Pagliara, 1987, p. 317-27; De Simone, 1988.
Pandolfini, Prosdocimi, 1990, p. 270-87.
Significantly, sanctuaries used by more than one ethnic group seem to have played an important role in the diffusion of literacy elsewhere in the Mediterranean, notably on Cyprus, where they provided venues for contact between Phoenicians and Cypriotes (Sherratt, 2003). On the role of sanctuaries as emporia and as venues promoting economic and cultural exchange, see Whitehouse, Wilkins, 1989. Haut de page